Biography. Awards, honorary titles
Buchanan (Buchanan) George William (November 25, 1854, Copenhagen - December 20, 1924, London?). Since 1876 in the British diplomatic service. In 1903-1908 envoy to Sofia (Bulgaria), in 1908-1910 envoy to The Hague (Netherlands). Since 1910, the ambassador in St. Petersburg. Opposed to the desire of progerms. circles of Russia to break with the Entente. During the 1st world. war was closely associated with the Cadets and the Octobrists, supported their idea of a constitution. monarchy. In his memoirs, Buchanan wrote that he often received Duma leaders at the embassy and "sympathized with their goals" (J. Buchanan, Diplomat's Memoirs, M., b/g, p. 202). On February 5, 1917, Buchanan telegraphed to the British Foreign Office: "The majority of the people, including government and the army, are unanimous in their determination to fight to the bitter end ... I am more concerned about the economic situation than the political one" (ibid., pp. 178-79 ).
In the conditions of 1917, Buchanan's activity became a real factor in the political life of Russia. Feb 27 together with M. Paleolog visited N.N. Pokrovsky, where he stated: "Protopopov can congratulate himself on having brought Russia to the revolution with his provocative activities" (ibid., p. 183).
On March 1, he expressed to Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich an opinion on the need to introduce a constitution and form a government headed by M.V. Rodzianko. With the creation of the Provisional Government, P.N. Milyukov the support of Great Britain and insisted on retaining the post of Supreme Commander-in-Chief, Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolayevich. He believed that the speedy "recognition of the Provisional Provision is necessary" in order to raise his authority in the face of the growing influence of Petrogr. Council (ibid., p. 198). However, when Milyukov raised the question of the official. recognition by the UK pr-va, Buchanan said that first he "must get confidence that the new pr-in is ready to continue the war to the end" (ibid.). The same motifs dominated Buchanan's speech.
March 11 at the official recognition ceremonies pr-va. Remembering his frequent public appearances. meetings and rallies, Buchanan wrote: "But if I spoke with enthusiasm about Russia's newly acquired freedom, then ... this was done in order to sweeten my further call for maintaining discipline in the army. My unity, thought was to keep Russia in the war" (ibid., p. 203).
At the beginning of March, Milyukov invited Buchanan to inquire confidentially about the opinion of the English. pr-va about the emigration of Nicholas II to the UK. On March 10, Buchanan replied that this was possible, subject to payment of Rus. pr-tion of expenses. When in societies, circles began to protest against the departure of the former. king abroad, Buchanan retracted his words. A.F. Kerensky wrote: "In the summer ... we, the Provisional Government, received a categorical official statement that until the end of the war the entry of the former monarch and his family into the British Empire was impossible" (ibid., p. 297). Buchanan highly appreciated Kerensky, who, in his opinion, "was the only minister whose personality, although not quite attractive, contained something arresting and imposing ... I respected him very much, and we soon became friends "(ibid., p. 209).
On March 28, he reported to the Foreign Ministry: "I have lost hope for a successful Russian offensive in the spring" (ibid., p. 212). In the beginning. Apr. began to hold a Dipl. maneuvers with a goal achieved from Temp. Prospect of refusing to annex Constantinople (which was promised to Russia under the international treaties of 1916). 17 Apr. in a conversation with Milyukov, he insisted on the suppression of the Bolsheviks and the arrest of V.I. Lenin. After the resignation of Milyukov and A.I. Guchkova, in a letter to the Foreign Ministry on May 8, expressed regret over this and noted that "The new coalition ... represents for us the last and almost unified hope for saving the military situation at the front" (ibid., p. 221 ). He proposed to veil the agreements on the division of Asia Minor, declaring them only a preventive measure in case of danger of Germany penetrating there. In con. Apr. Buchanan began contacts with the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks in order to neutralize the growing influence of the RSDLP (b). "For the Bolsheviks," Buchanan noted, "there was neither homeland nor patriotism" (ibid., p. 227).
Buchanan was one of the initiators of the June Russian offensive. armies. After his failure, he put forward the idea that "the size of the army at the front should be reduced to a minimum ... the rest of the soldiers should be returned to work in the rear under the system of all-national obligatory service" (ibid., p. 239). In July, welcomed the repressions of the Provisions. pr-va in relation to the Bolsheviks. In a letter to the Foreign Ministry on July 22, he recommended the English. pr-vu to put pressure on Temp. government, so that it concentrates "its energy on reorganizing the army and on restoring discipline both at the front and in the rear" (ibid., "p. 240). On July 29, in a conversation with Kerensky, he insisted on introducing martial law in Petrograd. threatening to stop the supply of artillery from Great Britain otherwise.In late August, when meeting with M.I.Tereshchenko, he insisted on the introduction of the death penalty at the front.On August 28, during a speech by General L.G.Kornilov, he refused the proposal Provisional Provision to leave Petrograd and demanded "reconciliation with the Upper. commander-in-chief" with the mediation of General M.V. Alekseev (ibid., p. 252). the idea of the military. coup" (ibid., p. 255): in his opinion, Kornilov was deceived by Kerensky's representative, N.N. Lvov. "The failure of Kornilov's attempt to govern. The coup destroyed my last hopes for improving the situation both at the front and in the rear" (ibid., p. 256).
On October 12, Buchanan told Kerensky: "We can hardly expect that we will deliver to her [Russia-Author] a large number of military supplies until we have some guarantee that the Russian army will use it expediently" ( ibid., p. 261), at the same time. said that "Bolshevism is the source of all the evils from which Russia suffers, and if he [Kerensky-Author] had only uprooted it, he would have passed into history not only as the leader of the revolution, but also in as the savior of his country" (ibid., p. 262). October 23, receiving Kerensky at the embassy. Tereshchenko and S.N. Tretyakov, demanded the immediate arrest of L.D. Trotsky.
Best of the day
According to Buchanan, on the side of the Bolsheviks "there was a superiority of mind, and with the help of their German patrons they showed organizational talent, which they did not at first expect. However great my disgust for their terrorist methods ... I readily agree that both Lenin and Trotsky are extraordinary people" (ibid., p. 274). On November 7, I had a meeting with N.V. Tchaikovsky and M.I. Skobelev, who informed him of their intention to form a production without the Bolsheviks, but did not support their idea. Nov 14 Buchanan sent a telegram to the Foreign Office: "The situation has become so hopeless here that we must reconsider our position" (ibid., p. 278). In his opinion, Russia should “return its word to Russia and tell its people that ... we leave it to them to decide whether they want to win peace on the terms proposed by Germany, or continue the fight” (ibid., pp. 278-79 ).
Nov 15 Buchanan received a note from Trotsky demanding the release of G.V. Chicherin and Petrova or will be detained eng. subjects in Russia, but considered the threat unrealistic. Nov 21 told the press that he "received instructions to refrain from any step that might signify recognition" of Sov. pr-va (ibid., p. 281). On November 27, he said at a meeting with journalists: "Legal government should ... receive its powers from the Constituent Assembly, but ... Russia is a country of such surprises that we will not consider ourselves bound by such definitions" (there same, p. 288), at the same time. expressed his readiness to negotiate peace with the Council of People's Commissars, but on the condition that first an agreement was reached between the allies, and only then negotiations with Germany would begin. Dec 23 informed the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the need to either come to an agreement with the Council of People's Commissars or break the diplomat. relations (however, he did not insist on the latter). Dec 25 left for the UK. In London, the original spoke out against the break of Dipl. relations with the Bolsheviks, but then became one of the most active supporters of the military. intervention in Russia and support for the "white armies". In 1919-21 ambassador to Rome, since 1921 retired. Memoir author.
In the 1920s and 30s in terms of Russian circles. monarchically minded emigration took place, the point of view that Buchanan stood behind the backs of the forces, to-rye carried out Febvre. revolution of 1917, and thus played a decisive role in the overthrow of the imp. Nicholas II, and then during 1917 actually directed the policy of the Time. pr-va.
Wikipedia:
Sir George William Buchanan (eng. George William Buchanan; November 25, 1854, Copenhagen - December 20, 1924, London) - British diplomat, British ambassador to Russia during the First World War. Witnesses and participants in the February Revolution pointed out that his activities contributed to the incitement of the revolution.
Born in Copenhagen in the family of Sir Andrew Buchanan (1807-1882), who was then the British envoy to Denmark.
Since 1876, he was in the diplomatic service, which he began in Rome as an attaché, and then as the 3rd secretary of the embassy. Subsequently, he held various diplomatic posts in Tokyo (Japan), Vienna (Austria-Hungary), Darmstadt ( German Empire), again in Rome and Berlin.
1903-1908 - Envoy in Sofia (Bulgaria).
1908-1910 - Envoy in The Hague (Netherlands).
1910-1918 - Ambassador in St. Petersburg (Russian Empire).
1919-1921 Ambassador to Rome (Italy).
In 1921 he retired.
In 1910, George Buchanan was appointed Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United Kingdom to St. Petersburg at the court of Emperor Nicholas II. Its main task was to counter the aspirations of pro-German circles in Russia to break with the Entente.
At the same time, the British ambassador was quite closely connected with the Russian liberal parties, in particular, the Kadets and the Octobrists. Buchanan supported their ideas constitutional monarchy and sympathized with their goals, often hosting the leaders of the State Duma at the British embassy.
At British Ambassador good contact was established with the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Russia, S. D. Sazonov, who adhered to a pro-British and anti-German orientation. Buchanan, with the assistance of Sazonov, sought to remove obstacles to the rapprochement between Russia and the United Kingdom. Warm and trusting relations were quickly established between Sazonov, Buchanan and the French ambassador Maurice Palaiologos, but the British ambassador sometimes acted directly, seeking the decisions he needed directly from Nicholas II, and not through his minister. With the outbreak of World War I, Buchanan intensified pro-English propaganda in the Russian press; in a speech delivered in December 1914 to the English Club, he spoke out against "the Germanophiles who falsely asserted that during the four months of the war the English fleet and the English army did nothing significant."
In 1916, Buchanan openly raised the issue of creating a "ministry of trust" before Nicholas II, which caused the emperor's displeasure. The cooling of relations with Nikolai did not stop Buchanan's contacts with the Duma opposition and opposition-minded members of the imperial dynasty. His activities were also complicated by the appointment of B. V. Stürmer, known for his cool attitude towards England, as Minister of Foreign Affairs.
In 1917, Buchanan's influence on domestic affairs reached its highest point. In conditions of revolutionary uncertainty, his activities began to have real political weight. In January 1917, at the last meeting with Nicholas II, the ambassador said to him, abandoning his usual diplomacy:
“I can be condemned, but my justification is loyalty to Your Majesty and the Empress, in which I draw inspiration. Seeing my friend walking in the dark at night along a forest road, which, as I know, ends in a cliff, should I not, sir, warn him of the danger? And all the more I consider it my duty to warn Your Majesty of the abyss that lies ahead of you. You have come, sir, to a fork in the road and must now choose between two paths. One will lead you to victory and a glorious world, the other - to revolution and disaster. Let me beg Your Majesty to choose the first one."
Original text (English) [show]I can but plead as my excuse the fact that I have throughout been inspired by my feelings of devotion for Your Majesty and the Empress. If I were to see a friend walking through a wood on a dark night along a path which I knew ended in a precipice, would it not be my duty, sir, to warn him of his danger? And is it not equally my duty to warn Your Majesty of the abyss that lies ahead of you? You have, sir, come to the parting of the ways, and you have now to choose between two paths. The one will lead you to victory and a glorious peace - the other to revolution and disaster. Let me implore Your Majesty to choose the former.
On February 27 (March 12), 1917, Buchanan, together with Maurice Palaiologos, visited the Minister of Foreign Affairs, N. N. Pokrovsky, where he stated that the activities of the Minister of the Interior, A. D. Protopopov, had led to a revolution. On March 1 (14), 1917, in a conversation with Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich, he expressed an opinion on the need to introduce a constitution and form a government headed by M. V. Rodzianko.
At the end of 1916, there was talk in Petrograd that the British ambassador had taken the side of the opponents of the Russian monarchy. Maurice Paléologue made an entry in his diary on December 28, 1916: “For several times now I have been asked about Buchanan’s relations with the liberal parties, and even in the most serious tone they ask me if he is working secretly in favor of the revolution. I protest with all my might." Buchanan was later openly accused of inciting Duma leaders to a sharp conflict with the tsarist government and of actions that actually prepared the revolution in Russia. He had to make excuses for a long time, even while already in England.
After the formation of the Provisional Government, Buchanan promised P. N. Milyukov, who became Minister of Foreign Affairs, the support of the United Kingdom and actively insisted to the British government on the need for the speedy recognition of the new government in Russia in order to raise the authority of the Provisional Government and ensure its authority in the face of the growing influence of the Petrograd Soviet. However, Buchanan firmly linked the recognition of the Provisional Government with the continuation of the war against Germany by Russia, which he stated to Milyukov. During this period, the British ambassador often spoke at various rallies and public meetings, arguing the need to maintain discipline in the army and continue the war.
In March 1917, at the request of Milyukov, Buchanan confidentially inquired into the possibility of Nicholas II's emigration to the United Kingdom. At first, the answer was generally positive, but as protests arose in public circles against the departure of the former emperor and receiving appropriate instructions from London, the ambassador was forced to reconsider his opinion and conveyed to the new head of government, A.F. Kerensky, a categorical refusal to enter Nicholas and his family in the British Empire until the end of the war.
Members imperial family Those who tried to emigrate to Great Britain after the February Revolution blamed George Buchanan for the refusal of the British government to satisfy their requests. So, Georgy Mikhailovich wrote in the summer of 1918 to his family in the UK:
If Buchanan had not been our ambassador last year, but if there had been a decent and honest person, then I would have been with you long ago. And Aunt Amalia and Misha would also be in England ... And I will never shake hands with Buchanan in my life; I don't want to get my hands dirty by giving it to such a dishonorable person.
From the end of April 1917, he began to make contacts with the leaders of the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks, considering these parties as a force that could neutralize the growing influence of the Bolshevik Party. He welcomed the repressive actions of the Provisional Government against the Bolsheviks in July 1917. On July 29 (August 11), 1917, in a conversation with A. F. Kerensky, he insisted on the introduction of martial law in Petrograd and the adoption of strict disciplinary measures, threatening to stop British military supplies. Later he insisted on the introduction of the death penalty at the front. During the Kornilov speech, he tried to achieve reconciliation between Kerensky and Kornilov, being sympathetic on the side of Kornilov, but not supporting the idea of a military coup. On October 23 (November 6), 1917, he demanded from Kerensky the immediate arrest of L. D. Trotsky.
After the Bolsheviks came to power, he expressed an opinion on the need to revise British policy towards Russia and recognize the right of the Russian people to self-determination regarding the continuation of the war with Germany. On December 25, 1917 (January 7, 1918), Buchanan left for the United Kingdom, where at first he spoke in favor of maintaining diplomatic relations with the Bolshevik government, and later became one of the most active supporters of foreign military intervention in Russia in order to maintain the White armies.
(Buchanan, George William) (November 25, 1854, Copenhagen - December 20, 1924, London?). Since 1876 in the British diplomatic service. In 1903 - 08 envoy in Sofia (Bulgaria), in 1908 - 10 envoy in The Hague (Netherlands). Since 1910, the ambassador in St. Petersburg. He counteracted the desire of pro-German circles in Russia to break with the Entente. During the First World War, he was closely associated with the Cadets and Octobrists, supported their idea of a constitutional monarchy. In his memoirs, Buchanan wrote that he often received Duma leaders at the embassy and "sympathized with their goals" (George Buchanan, Memoirs of a Diplomat, M., b/g, p. 202). On February 5, 1917, Buchanan telegraphed to the British Foreign Office: “The majority of the people, including the government and the army, are unanimous in their determination to fight to the bitter end ... I am more concerned about the economic situation than the political one” (ibid., pp. 178 - 79). In the conditions of 1917, Buchanan's activity became a real factor political life Russia, on February 27, together with M. Paleolog, N.N. Pokrovsky, where he stated: "Protopopov can congratulate himself on having brought Russia to the revolution with his provocative activities" (ibid., p. 183). On March 1, he expressed to Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich an opinion on the need to introduce a constitution and form a government headed by M.V. Rodzianko. With the creation of the Provisional Government, P.N. Milyukov the support of Great Britain and insisted on retaining the post of Supreme Commander-in-Chief, Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolayevich. He believed that the speedy "recognition of the Provisional Government is necessary" in order to raise its authority in the face of the growing influence of the Petrograd Soviet (ibid., p. 198). However, when Milyukov raised the question of Britain's official recognition of the Provisional Government on March 5, Buchanan declared that first he "must be sure that the new government is ready to continue the war to the end" (ibid.). The same motives dominated Buchanan's speech on March 11 at the official recognition ceremony of the Provisional Government. Recalling his frequent speeches at public meetings and rallies, Buchanan wrote: "But if I spoke with enthusiasm about Russia's newly won freedom, then ... it was done in order to sweeten my further call for the maintenance of discipline in the army. My only thought was keeping Russia in the war" (ibid., p. 203). At the beginning of March, Milyukov invited Buchanan to find out confidentially the opinion of the British government on the emigration of Nicholas II to Great Britain. On March 10, Buchanan replied that this was possible provided that the Russian government paid the costs. When in public circles they began to protest against the departure of the former king abroad, Buchanan retracted his words. A.F. Kerensky wrote: "In the summer ... we, the Provisional Government, received a categorical official statement that until the end of the war the entry of the former monarch and his family into the British Empire was impossible" (ibid., p. 297). Buchanan highly appreciated Kerensky, who, in his opinion, "was the only minister whose personality, although not entirely attractive, contained something arresting and imposing ... I respected him very much, and we soon became friends" (ibid. , p. 209). On March 28, he reported to the Foreign Ministry: "I have lost hope for a successful Russian offensive in the spring" (ibid., p. 212). In early April, he began to carry out diplomatic maneuvers in order to get the Provisional Government to refuse to annex Constantinople (which was promised to Russia under the international treaties of 1916). On April 17, in a conversation with Milyukov, he insisted on the suppression of the Bolsheviks and the arrest of V.I. Lenin. After the resignation of Milyukov and A.I. Guchkov, in a letter to the Foreign Ministry on May 8, expressed regret over this and noted that "The new coalition government ... represents for us the last and almost the only hope for saving martial law at the front" (ibid., p. 221). He proposed to veil the agreements on the division of Asia Minor, declaring them only a preventive measure in case of danger of Germany penetrating there. At the end of April, Buchanan began contacts with the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks in order to neutralize the growing influence of the RSDLP (b). “For the Bolsheviks,” Buchanan noted, “there was neither homeland nor patriotism” (ibid., p. 227). Buchanan was one of the initiators of the June offensive of the Russian armies. After his failure, he put forward the idea that "the size of the army at the front should be reduced to a minimum ... the rest of the soldiers should be returned to work in the rear under a system of nationwide compulsory service" (ibid., p. 239). In July, he welcomed the repressions of the Provisional Government against the Bolsheviks. In a letter to the Foreign Office on July 22, he recommended that the British government put pressure on the Provisional Government to focus "its energy on reorganizing the army and restoring discipline both at the front and in the rear" (ibid., p. 240). On July 29, in a conversation with Kerensky, he insisted on the introduction of martial law in Petrograd, otherwise threatening to stop the supply of artillery pieces from Great Britain. At the end of August, when meeting with M.I. Tereshchenko insisted on the introduction of the death penalty at the front. On August 28, during a speech by General L.G. Kornilov refused the proposal of the Provisional Government to leave Petrograd and demanded "reconciliation with the Supreme Commander" through the mediation of General M.V. Alekseeva (ibid., p. 252). After Kornilov's arrest, he wrote in his diary on August 30: "Although all my sympathies were on Kornilov's side, I always tried my best to fight the idea of a military coup" (ibid., p. 255); in his opinion, Kornilov was deceived by Kerensky's representative, N.N. Lvov. "The failure of Kornilov's attempt at a coup d'état destroyed my last hopes for an improvement in the situation both at the front and in the rear" (ibid., p. 256). On October 12, Buchanan told Kerensky: “We can hardly be expected to deliver to her [Russia. - Author] a large amount of military supplies until we have some guarantee that the Russian army will use it expediently” (ibid., p. 261), at the same time said that "Bolshevism is the source of all the evils from which Russia suffers, and if he [Kerensky. - Author] had only uprooted it, then he would have passed into history not only as the leader of the revolution, but also as the savior of his country" (ibid., p. 262). On October 23, while receiving Kerensky, Tereshchenko and S.N. Tretyakov, demanded the immediate arrest of L.D. Trotsky. According to Buchanan, the Bolsheviks "had a superiority of mind on their side, and with the help of their German patrons, they showed an organizational talent that they did not at first expect. However great my disgust for their terrorist methods ... I readily agree that both Lenin and Trotsky are extraordinary people" (ibid., p. 274). On November 7, I had a meeting with N.V. Tchaikovsky and M.I. Skobelev, who informed him of their intention to form a government without the Bolsheviks, but did not support their idea. On November 14, Buchanan sent a telegram to the Foreign Office: "The situation has become so hopeless here that we must reconsider our position" (ibid., p. 278). In his opinion, Russia should "return its word to Russia and tell its people that ... we leave it to them to decide whether they want to win peace on the terms proposed by Germany, or continue the fight" (ibid., pp. 278 - 79 ). On November 15, Buchanan received a note from Trotsky demanding the release of G.V. Chicherin and Petrov or British subjects in Russia would be detained, but he considered the threat unrealistic. On November 21, he told the press that he "received instructions to refrain from any step that could signify recognition" of the Soviet government (ibid., p. 281). On November 27, he said at a meeting with journalists: "The legitimate government should ... receive its powers from the Constituent Assembly, but ... Russia is a country of such surprises that we will not consider ourselves bound by such definitions" (ibid., p. 288 ), at the same time expressed his readiness to negotiate peace with the Council of People's Commissars, but on the condition that first an agreement was reached between the allies, and only then negotiations with Germany would begin. On December 23, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs announced the need to either come to an agreement with the Council of People's Commissars or break off diplomatic relations (however, he did not insist on the latter). On December 25 he left for the UK. In London, he initially spoke out against severing diplomatic relations with the Bolsheviks, but then became one of the most active supporters of military intervention in Russia and support for the "White armies". In 1919 - 21 ambassadors in Rome, since 1921 retired. Memoir author. In the 1920s - 30s. in some circles of Russian monarchist-minded emigration, there was a point of view that Buchanan stood behind the backs of the forces that carried out February Revolution 1917, and thus played a decisive role in the overthrow of Emperor Nicholas II, and then during 1917 actually directed the policy of the Provisional Government. K.A. Zalessky.
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Great Britain
Sir George William Buchanan(eng. George William Buchanan; November 25, Copenhagen - December 20, London) - British diplomat, British ambassador to Russia during the First World War.
Born in Copenhagen in the family of Sir Andrew Buchanan (-), who was then the British envoy to Denmark.
Diplomatic career
At the same time, the British ambassador was quite closely associated with the Russian liberal parties, in particular, the Kadets and the Octobrists. Buchanan supported their ideas of constitutional monarchy and sympathized with their aims, often hosting the leaders of the State Duma at the British embassy.
The British ambassador established good contact with Russian Foreign Minister S. D. Sazonov, who adhered to a pro-British and anti-German orientation. Buchanan, with the assistance of Sazonov, sought to remove obstacles to the rapprochement between Russia and the United Kingdom. Warm and trusting relations were quickly established between Sazonov, Buchanan and the French ambassador Maurice Paleolog, however, the British ambassador sometimes acted directly, seeking the decisions he needed directly from Nicholas II, and not through his minister. With the outbreak of World War I, Buchanan intensified pro-English propaganda in the Russian press; in a speech delivered in December 1914 to the English Club, he spoke out against "Germanophiles who blatantly claimed that during the four months of the war the English fleet and the English army did not do anything significant."
After the Bolsheviks came to power, he expressed an opinion on the need to revise British policy towards Russia and recognize the right of the Russian people to self-determination regarding the continuation of the war with Germany. On December 25, 1917 (January 7), Buchanan left for the United Kingdom, where at first he spoke in favor of maintaining diplomatic relations with the Bolshevik government, and later became one of the most active supporters of foreign military intervention in Russia in order to maintain the White armies.
Awards, honorary titles
Writings and literature; links
Memories
Memoirs of George Buchanan first appeared in 1923.
- Buchanan G.W. My Mission to Russia and Other Diplomatic Memories. I-II. - L., 1923.
- Buchanan D.W. Memoirs of a diplomat. - B.M.: Gosvoenizdat, 1924. - 312 p.
- Buchanan D.W. Memoirs of a diplomat. - M.: International relationships, 1991. - 344 p. - ISBN 5-7133-0377-2 (Electronic version)
- Buchanan D.W. Memoirs of a diplomat. - M., 2001. - ISBN 5-1700-8824-8
- Buchanan D.W. My mission in Russia. Memoirs of an English diplomat. 1910-1918. - M.: Tsentrpoligraf, 2006. - 408 p. - ISBN 5-9524-2005-2
- Buchanan D.W. My mission in Russia. - M.: Zakharov, 2006. - 440 p. - ISBN 5-8159-0633-6
Literature
- Gurko-Kryazhin V. War and revolution in the image of an English diplomat. // Buchanan D.W. Memoirs of a diplomat. - B.M., 1924.
- Same. // Buchanan D.W. Memoirs of a diplomat. - M., 1991. - S. 5-20. (Electronic version)
- Buchanan, Sir George. // Diplomatic Dictionary. T. 1. - M., 1948. (Electronic version)
- Buchanan George William. // Soviet historical encyclopedia. T. 2. - M., 1962. - S. 890.
- Zalessky K. A. Buchanan George William. // Politicians of Russia. 1917: Biographical Dictionary. - M., 1993. - S. 57-58. (
Buchanan George William (1854-1924) - English diplomat. In 1910-18 he was ambassador to Russia. During World War I, he was associated with the Cadets and Octobrists, supported the Provisional Government, and was close to A.F. Kerensky. One of the organizers anti-Soviet conspiracies. Revoked.
- - British diplomat, son of the British ambassador in Vienna, Andrew Buchanan. B. began his career in 1876 in Rome as an attaché, and then third secretary of the embassy ...
Diplomatic Dictionary
- - James M. American economist and political scientist. The leader of a special direction of political economic thought - the founder of the theory of public and constitutional choice ...
Political science. Dictionary.
- - Carlyle, Carlisle George William Frederick Howard, Earl, politician of Great Britain, Whig. He was an active supporter of the parliamentary reform of 1832. In 1835‒41 Secretary for Ireland ...
- - 1. , George - scotl. church reformer and politician activist, supporter of the bourgeoisie. directions in the Reformation; historian. For sympathy with the Reformation, he was persecuted, he was in exile for a long time ...
Soviet historical encyclopedia
- - Inventor of the Armstrong cannon, b. 1818 at Newcastle, where his father was Alderman...
Encyclopedic Dictionary of Brockhaus and Euphron
- - I Buchanan David, English publicist and economist, follower of A. Smith. In 1814 he published Smith's work "An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations" in 3 volumes with his own notes...
Great Soviet Encyclopedia
- - Buchanan George, Scottish politician, church reformer - supporter of the bourgeois trend in the Reformation, historian. Persecuted for promoting the ideas of the Reformation, he fled Scotland in 1539...
Great Soviet Encyclopedia
- - Clarendon George William Frederick Villiers, Earl, statesman of Great Britain; Whig In 1820–23 he was an attaché in St. Petersburg, in 1833–39 he was an ambassador in Madrid...
Great Soviet Encyclopedia
- - Hill George William, American astronomer, specialist in the field of celestial mechanics...
Great Soviet Encyclopedia
- — George William Osborne Howe, English radio engineer. After graduating from Durham University, he worked as an engineer at Siemens-Schuckert in Germany. He taught at a college in South Kensington...
Great Soviet Encyclopedia
- - Scottish politician, church reformer, historian, publicist. Opponent of Queen Mary Stuart...
- - English chemist. The main works are devoted to the synthesis organic compounds, forming liquid crystals, establishing the relationship between the chemical nature liquid crystals and their structure and properties...
- - CARLYLE George William - Earl, English Secretary for Ireland in 1835-41, Whig. He was the first among the Whig aristocrats to support the free-traders' demand for the repeal of the Corn Laws...
Big encyclopedic dictionary
- - Carlisle Carlisle George William, Earl, English Secretary for Ireland in 183541, Whig. He was the first among the Whig aristocrats to support the free-traders' demand for the repeal of the Corn Laws...
Big encyclopedic dictionary
- American astronomer and mathematician Works on celestial mechanics...
Big encyclopedic dictionary
- - American astronomer Works on celestial mechanics...
Big encyclopedic dictionary
"BUCHANAN George William" in books
Customs of the Highlanders, 1582 by George Buchanan
by Graham KennethHighlander Customs, 1582 George Buchanan Scholar, prominent Protestant and former tutor to Queen Mary (whom he later accused of complicity in the murder of her husband, Lord Darnley), George Buchanan left to posterity a far from sinless, but very picturesque "History of Scotland",
Aymouth Fishing Disaster, October 14, 1881 by George Collin and George Paterson
From the book Scotland. Autobiography by Graham KennethAymouth Fishing Disaster, October 14, 1881 George Collin and George Paterson There are many reports of shipwrecks in Scotland's history books, but an accident involving fishing boats off Eyemouth in 1881 is considered one of the most
Buchanan sinks RO-37
From the book Stronger than the "divine wind". US destroyers: war on pacific ocean the author Roscoe TheodoreBuchanan sinks RO-37 "Aid the destroyer Cash, torpedoed at 12° 08? S, 164° 33? ABOUT". The destroyer Buchanan received such a radiogram on January 22, 1944, when it was sailing from Purvis Bay to Espiritu Santo. Commander of the ship Captain 2nd rank F.B.T. Mayr immediately
J. Buchanan
From the book Alexander III and his time author Tolmachev Evgeny PetrovichJ. Buchanan Grand Duke Nikolai Alexandrovich was the firstborn of the heir to Tsarevich Alexander Alexandrovich, the future emperor Alexander III and his wife Maria Feodorovna. He was born on May 6, 1868, the day when Orthodox Church honors the memory of Saint Job
Buchanan (city in Liberia)
TSBBuchanan David
From the book Big Soviet Encyclopedia(b) author TSBBuchanan James
From the book Great Soviet Encyclopedia (Bb) of the author TSBBuchanan George
From the book Great Soviet Encyclopedia (Bb) of the author TSBCarlyle George William Frederick Howard
From the book Great Soviet Encyclopedia (KA) of the author TSBClarendon George William Frederick Villiers
From the book Great Soviet Encyclopedia (KL) of the author TSBHill George William
From the book Great Soviet Encyclopedia (CI) of the author TSBHill George William Hill George William (March 3, 1838, New York - April 16, 1914, West Nyack, New York), was an American astronomer, a specialist in the field of celestial mechanics. The main works are devoted to the theory of the motion of planets and asteroids, general issues perturbation theory celestial bodies,
Howe George William Osborne
From the book Great Soviet Encyclopedia (XO) of the author TSBBUCHANAN, Patrick Joseph
From book The World History in sayings and quotes author Dushenko Konstantin VasilievichBuchanan, Patrick Joseph (Buchanan, Patrick Joseph, b. 1938), American politician and publicist147 Death of the West. Books: "Death of the West: How the extinction of the population and the increase in immigration threatens our country and our civilization" ("Death of West",
Buchanan: against Obama and for Putin
From the book Newspaper Tomorrow 19 (1068 2014) author Tomorrow NewspaperBuchanan: against Obama and for Putin German Khanov May 8, 2014 4 Politics Prominent US conservative Republican criticizes White House policies Patrick J. Buchanan, a senior official in the administrations of R. Nixon, J. Ford, and R. Reagan; participant