Yemeni army weapons. Aviation in local conflicts
On March 4, 2012, al-Qaeda militants attacked a military base in southern Yemen, catching government forces by surprise. According to some reports, about 200 soldiers died, and witnesses of the incident described scenes of brutal self-mutilation, including decapitation. However, despite the fact that al-Qaeda insurgency in southern Yemen is out of bounds, most of The country's air force not only does not participate in counter-terrorism operations, but does not even perform regular patrols airspace countries. What's more, most air force pilots and senior officers are sitting in makeshift tents in the capital Sana'a, demanding the resignation of the commander in chief, who they say has brought the air force into decline. The details were recently told by Sharon Weinberger on the pages of Aviation Week. Clause 2 provides a translation of the material.
The air force strike began in January as Yemen's popular (and sometimes bloody) revolution came to an end. Recall that there was a contractual transfer of power in the country from President Ali Abdullah Saleh, who ruled the country for 33 years, to Abd Rabbu Mansour Hadi, who held the post of vice president in the past. It is worth noting that Saleh himself and members of his family continue to control Yemeni civilian and military institutions, including the Air Force, commanded by the half-brother of ex-president Mohammad Saleh.
“We have to put an end to corruption and get rid of the family and its leader,” says Lieutenant Colonel Abdullah al Yemeni, who was trained at US Air Force Base Maxwell. "Under him, the country's Air Force turned into something similar to either a collective farm or a private company."
A massive outcry by thousands of other officers along with al Yemeni has led to a virtual shutdown of the air force, while Yemen is the central arena for the ongoing US war with al-Qaeda and its regional offshoots. Thus, despite the provision of several hundred million dollars of US military assistance to Yemen over the past four years, the result global war with Islamic terrorism on the territory of this country is practically absent.
Indeed, this strike came at a very critical time: the riots and unrest in southern Yemen, al-Qaeda's safe haven in the Arabian Peninsula, continue to escalate. This is evidenced by the terrorist attack that took place this month. And according to senior US officials, this problem is not exclusively an internal problem in Yemen.
“We believe that AQAP (al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula) remains the node in the network that is most prone to attacks on an international scale,” US National Intelligence Chief James Clapper recently told Congress.
But Al Yemeni and other striking pilots, mechanics and senior officers in an interview with Aviation Week magazine painted a rather sad portrait of the country's air force after more than 20 years of command of Muhammad Saleh. They talked about unflying aviation, a power-hungry leader who siphoned money from the US, and a former president who used al-Qaeda as an excuse to raise some money.
The fact that Yemen is armed with a crazy mix of Russian and American military equipment testifies that this country since the times cold war became a kind of political pendulum between East and West. Today, the Yemeni Air Force, along with American Bell helicopters and F-5 fighters, also has Soviet Mi-17s and Su-22s.
For security reasons, Yemen refuses to disclose the exact number of aircraft in its inventory. But according to local sources, the Air Force has several hundred fighters at its disposal, many of which are in non-flying condition. According to pilots and engineers, one of the F-5 squadrons is in a particularly neglected state. "Most of the planes are unable to take off," says F-5 pilot Asam al Hasani.
In order to get even a few fighters into the air, mechanics must use parts taken from other machines, thus leaving several F-5s on the ground without engines. But even the airworthiness of those aircraft that are in service is doubtful. Quoting Muhammad Saleh himself, Al Hasani says: "Fly until you kill all systems and assemblies."
In particular, F-5s pilots complain that the squibs that power their ejection seats have already failed. Al Hasani recalls a comrade who died in an F-5 plane crash 13 years ago due to the plane having technical problems. The ejection system simply didn't work. “This is the last chance to save a life. It should be possible to leave the car, ”Al Hasani emotionally concludes.
Air Force Colonel Muhammad Awad says Saleh ordered F-5 ejection seats to last 29 times despite expired cartridges.
Pilots and mechanics say that the air force commander repeatedly rejected the refusals of mechanics and engineers to sign a report that the aircraft had undergone maintenance, thereby ordering them to fly on faulty machines. "He destroyed all the technical achievements of the country's air force," said General Abdul Aziz al Muhaya, deputy commander of the Dulaimi air base, located near Sana'a.
Two Yemeni Lockheed C-130Hs also testify to the neglected state of the air force. Al Hasani recalls a recent incident in which a squadron commander submitted a report recommending that one C-130 be kept on the ground due to technical problems. "We reported to Muhammad Saleh that the plane had to undergo technical inspection, but he gave the order to fly."
Air Force officials say the services Maintenance do not have sufficient capacity and qualifications to eliminate this type of malfunction and thus can cause even more damage. "We asked the US for help," says Al Yemeni. “Experts came to us to study the condition of the aircraft and determine the cost of repairs. They concluded that the fix would cost $70 million." Both C-130s are thus still unairworthy, and it is not known when they will take to the air again.
Pilots and mechanics say counterfeit parts have also taken a strong position in the supply chain because Muhammad Saleh uses his family connections to buy parts on the black market at discounted prices. US assistance, which includes parts for some F-5 aircraft and Bell 407 helicopters, is only partly addressing these problems.
In fact, the state of the Yemeni air force does not match the volume of military assistance that the United States has provided over the past few years. This includes funding for two C-130Hs, delivery of 4 UH-1Hs in January 2011, and parts for some aircraft and helicopters. According to the Pentagon, an additional $82.8 million has been allocated to maintain the combat readiness of helicopters for counter-terrorism operations.
But most of these funds were not used for the indicated purposes, says one of the Air Force officers. For example, General Abdullah Saleh al-Khayami claims that the $40 million earmarked for organizing operations against al-Qaeda was not spent as intended. And American weapons for the Yemeni army were generally thrown to support the regime, and not to fight terrorism. "US military aid is being used to kill Yemenis, not al-Qaeda," Al Khayyami concludes.
Muhammad Albasha, a spokesman for the Yemeni embassy in Washington, insists that US military aid has never been squandered and that President Hadi is working with a new committee that will take into account the concerns of the military, including the air force. " Military leadership started restructuring and modernizing the armed forces,” he says.
According to Corps Major marines USA Chris Perrin, the US military does not provide military assistance in the form of money, which makes it impossible to directly spend these funds. "We supply equipment and train Yemeni soldiers," he says. "We also conduct exhaustive checks to make sure our weapons are being used for their intended purpose." The Pentagon has not yet received any evidence that would indicate that American weapons were used to suppress peaceful demonstrations, Perrin concluded.
However, the Pentagon is aware of some of the problems associated with the provision of military assistance. Delivery plans for the Airbus CN235 military transport aircraft, along with components for Huey II helicopters, have been put on hold. The United States froze military supplies to Yemen last year, but "the election of a new president and an analysis of the critical security situation in the country are pushing us to unfreeze military assistance to help Yemen counter al-Qaeda threats," said US Army Colonel and Pentagon spokesman James Gregory.
While the renewal of US military aid is in doubt and the Yemeni government is in chaos, the short-term outlook for the country's air force leaves much to be desired. The striking aviators say they will not return to duty until Muhammad Saleh is gone for good. Al Yemeni points out that of the 30% of Air Force soldiers still in service, the vast majority support the protest. “They are waiting to join us if our demands are not met. The protest will only intensify,” Al Yemeni concluded.
Meanwhile, the Air Force situation is part of a growing power vacuum that is fueling the spread of the conflict with al-Qaeda throughout the country. The day after the al-Qaeda attack in southern Yemen, a bomb exploded in one of the An-family planes parked at an airbase near Sana'a International Airport. Al-Qaeda claimed responsibility for the attack, which did not cause any casualties.
Against the backdrop of a deteriorating political situation, issues related to US military assistance remain in a state of uncertainty. “Officers from the military department said that the question of whether funds will be allocated for Yemen has not yet been resolved. However, contingency plans are being developed to provide such assistance,” the U.S. Accounts Office said in a March report.
According to Al Khayami, the resignation of Saleh and the arrival of a new president should have contributed to the restoration of the country's armed forces and the formation of the Air Force as a closer partner of the United States. He argues that the ousted president was simply using al-Qaeda to intimidate the US and raise funds while making backroom deals with both sides of the conflict.
But along with the desire of al-Khayyami and other officers to see a modernized air force, there is also a certainty that the latest aircraft or weapons will not be a full-fledged answer to al-Qaeda. “Confronting al-Qaeda also means being able to demonstrate to people that the authorities are able to effectively run the state. It's not just about technology,” sums up Al Khayyami.
Prepared by Vyacheslav Tartakovsky
September 28, 1972 combat loss of the MiG-17F Air Force of South Yemen. During the short-term border conflict between South and North Yemen, artillery, armored vehicles and aircraft were involved. The plane, piloted by senior lieutenant Hussein Awad al-Barri al-Yafei, took off from the Badr airbase in Aden with the task of suppressing enemy artillery fire in the area of \u200b\u200bmount Jabal al-Jamima, east of the settlement. Kaataba. Having found the target, the pilot successfully completed the attack, but when performing a second approach, the aircraft was hit by machine-gun fire from the ground. Senior Lt al-Yafei tried to pull the damaged car to the base, but due to the development of a fire on board, the plane lost control and crashed in the ad-Dali province, on its territory. The pilot died.
On December 4, 1973, the MiG-17F of the South Yemeni Air Force, piloted by pilot Mohammed Ahmed al-Shuja, crashed.
On February 17, 1975, an Il-28 aircraft of the 22nd Air Force Air Force of South Yemen crashed. The crew of Lieutenant Abdel Hamid Sayed Muhammad Eklan was lost near the settlement. Abyan during a routine training flight from the Riyan airfield (the old airfield, located a few kilometers north-west of the current one). Three crew members were killed.
On July 2, 1983, a South Yemeni Air Force MiG-21 crashed while on a scheduled training flight from the Aden airfield. Pilot Mr. Adil Fadl Abdullah Ali al-Nani managed to report the refusal on board, after which communication with him was interrupted. Died in a plane crash into the sea.
On December 16, 1985, a North Yemeni Air Force MiG-21 piloted by a Palestinian pilot, Major Abd al-Karim Utman, crashed. During a routine training flight from the joint-based Sana airfield, equipment failed, which caused the plane to crash and the pilot died.
Data on Major Utman: born in 1956 in the village of Kafr al-Labad, Nablus district, after elementary school emigrated with his family to Kuwait, where he completed the second stage of education. Since 1975, he joined the ranks of the Palestine Liberation Organization and took part in the hostilities in Lebanon. Since 1976, he was selected among the candidates for training as a fighter pilot for the organization of the Free Palestine Air Force, after which he was sent to a flight school in Pakistan. He graduated from the courses in 1978, having received the rank of lieutenant. Subsequently, he maintained his piloting skills through internships in the Air Forces of Libya, Yugoslavia and Yemen. He had an instructor license.
On December 19, 1985, during the Radfan-85 exercise, two Su-22 aircraft of the South Yemen Air Force collided. On this day, a flight of aircraft took off from the Aden airfield to carry out a training task. When the group was over the bay, the planes of the first pair came into contact, as a result of which both began to collapse and lost control. The leader of the group, Colonel Abdul Hafiz al-Afif, managed to eject and was picked up by search and rescue boats, and his wingman Mahmoud Ali Muhammad died.
On January 21, 1988, a MiG-21 aircraft of the 22nd UAE of the South Yemeni Air Force, piloted by Squadron Leader Mr. Ali Abdullah Ahmed Hadi, crashed. The fall occurred DSMU near the al-Anad airbase. The pilot died. Data for the pilot: born in Dali in 1957, graduated from the Krasnodar VVAUL, com esk, 1st class pilot.
On August 15, 1988, during a demonstration flight, the Su-22UM3 aircraft of the 15th brigade of the South Yemen Air Force crashed. The demonstration flight was carried out in connection with the visit to the Aden airfield of President Ali Salem. The aircraft was piloted by the commander of the 5th air force p / p-k Makhmud Salam and the Soviet pilot-instructor Mr. Malykh Alexei Matveyevich. While performing a complex aerobatic maneuver at low altitude, the aircraft collided with the sea surface abeam Ummul Island and completely collapsed. The crew died.
On July 14, 1992, the NSMU crashed a military transport aircraft An-12 of the Yemeni Air Force, which was transporting military personnel and their families from the island of Socotra to Aden. During the landing approach, the aircraft fell into a sandstorm, complicated by night conditions, collided with the ground and completely collapsed. All 68 people on board (crew, employees of the naval base, policemen), including 36 civilians, died.
August 31, 1992, in the afternoon in simple weather conditions, a Mi-8T helicopter of the 10th brigade of the Yemen Air Force, piloted by the crew of Mohammed Abdal Darwish (LSh Salem Sahim), was lost. The helicopter crashed and crashed into the sea over Sayhut district, Mahra province. The crew of three and eight passengers were killed. One of the versions of the causes of the incident, the commission called sabotage.
On August 8, 1993, during scheduled training flights from the Hodeidah airfield, two Yemeni Air Force MiG-21s collided. Both planes crashed into the sea off the coast. The pilots died.
On April 17, 2001, an F-5E aircraft of the 112th squadron of the Yemen Air Force crashed. While landing at the Dailami air base (Sana'a), the aircraft piloted by Captain Abdul-Hadi al-Zindani rolled out of the runway, collapsed and caught fire. The pilot died.
On October 2, 2009, a Yemeni Air Force MiG-21 plane crashed while performing a combat mission in the area of operations of anti-government Hutu militants. The car, piloted by Senior Lieutenant Shaban Ahmad Abdu Musleh, for an unknown reason, collided with the ground in al-Shaaf district, Saada province, in rebel-controlled territory. The pilot died. A Hutu spokesman stated that the MiG-21 was shot down, presenting pilot's license No. 27739 and aircraft wreckage as evidence.
On October 5, 2009, a Yemeni Air Force Su-22 plane crashed, as part of a group attacking the positions of Hutu militants in the province of Saada. At 17:45 local time, a fighter-bomber piloted by Mohammed al-Hariri made an approach to the target using airborne weapons and, without leaving the dive, collided with the surface of a mountain slope. The aircraft was completely destroyed, the pilot died. The event took place in the region of Anad.
On November 10, 2010, a Yemeni Air Force MiG-21 crashed on a training flight from the Hodeida air base. At noon, immediately after takeoff, the aircraft of Captain Saleh al-Faqih suffered an engine failure, after which the pilot successfully ejected just 700 meters from the end of the runway.
On July 20, 2011, a Yemeni Air Force Su-22UM crashed on a routine training flight from the Taiz air base. During takeoff, the aircraft experienced a power plant failure, which caused it to go beyond the runway and destroy it. The crew of the checker (Iraqi pilot) and the checked Adel Nasser al-Kabati were seriously injured, both pilots were taken to the hospital in serious condition.
On September 28, 2011, a Yemeni Air Force Su-22 piloted by Captain Tawfik Addabrai was shot down by anti-aircraft artillery fire. The fighter-bomber took off from the Dailami (Sana) air base and flew over the area of anti-government unrest near the settlement of Arkhab. Hostile tribes opened fire, causing the Su-22 to lose control and crash near the village of Beit Azar. The pilot managed to eject and was evacuated by search and rescue services.
On November 24, 2011, an An-26 aircraft of the Yemeni Air Force, piloted by the crew of Mahmoud al-Aremez, crashed. When landing at the al-Anad airbase, at 11:55 local time, the assistant commander of the ship, Abdul Azis al-Shami, who was actively piloting, allowed a decrease in vertical speed, as a result of which the aircraft collapsed and caught fire. Of the 15 people on board, 9 were killed (including 8 Syrian aviators who were in the country as part of the exchange of experience).
On July 4, 2012, a Yemeni Air Force Mi-8 helicopter piloted by the crew of Ali Mokbel (pilot-navigator Captain Mohammed Nahari) came under fire from small arms from the ground. As a result of the damage received, the helicopter made an emergency landing in the area of the settlement. Ibb. There were no casualties.
On October 15, 2012, the MiG-21UM No. 2210 of the 90th Aviation Brigade of the Yemeni Air Force crashed while performing a routine training flight from the Anad airbase. On the takeoff run, after passing the decision point, a technical malfunction occurred in the engine. The crew continued to take off and ejected immediately after takeoff, not yet reaching the minimum safe altitude. As a result, the pilot-instructor Colonel Atik Mohammed Fare Alyakhali died, and the test lieutenant Sidqi Alemrani received minor injuries. The wounded pilot was taken to the hospital by helicopter. The plane crashed and burned down within the protected area of the Anad air base.
November 17, 2012 shelling from the ground of the Su-22 aircraft of the Yemeni Air Force in the area of Damalen-Sana, Hamdan district. Pilot Colonel Mohammed Arekabi successfully landed at the destination airfield. During post-flight maintenance, bullet holes were found in the structural elements of the airframe.
November 28, 2012 shelling from the ground of the Mi-171 helicopter No. 2258 of the Yemen Air Force, piloted by the crew of Major Hakim Almafra. The helicopter was returning after overflying the Saada district, and came under fire from small arms near the village of Adwad Bakil. Several bullet wounds were received (one in the tail boom and three in the fuselage, including one through the floor of the cargo compartment) and a soldier on board was wounded.
February 19, 2013 fighter-bomber Su-22UM4 No. 2224 of the Yemeni Air Force, piloted by Captain Mohammad Ali Nasser Shaker, born in 1981 (personal number 68088), crashed during a routine training flight. Takeoff was made at 11:45, with a heading of 60 degrees. After completing the mission, the pilot returned to the Aden airfield and began to perform pre-landing maneuvers. Immediately after the third turn, the aircraft changed course and went into a descent to the right, fell on residential buildings, damaging four houses along Al Qadisia Street. The pilot and 12 civilians on the ground were killed.
On May 13, 2013, a Yemeni Air Force Su-22M4 piloted by Captain Hani Ali Aybadi Ahgari, born in 1979, crashed. The aircraft was returning to base after a routine training flight. While landing, the aircraft lost control and crashed on the southern outskirts of Sana'a, causing damage to the ground and a fire. As a result of the investigation, it was found that the aircraft had bullet holes in the fuselage structure, which could have caused a disaster.
May 15, 2013 shelling from the ground of a Mi-171 helicopter of the Yemeni Air Force, piloted by the crew of Lieutenant Colonel Fawzi Saleh (pilot-navigator Khaden Abdu). Forced landing near Rada. There were no casualties.
On August 6, 2013, a Yemeni Air Force Mi-171 helicopter carrying personnel of the 107th Infantry Brigade crashed in the Wadi Obeid area, Marib province. The crew of the helicopter commander, Colonel Mohammed Abdullah Ahmad Harazi, pilot-navigator Captain Wadah Ali Hamud Mohammed Baadani, flight engineer Nabil Ahmed Rizak Durr and flight mechanic Ahmad Ahmed Musleh Akmar, as well as seven passengers died. The main cause of the helicopter crash is said to be small arms fire from the ground. Active movement of members of the al-Qaeda terrorist organization in the area of the helicopter crash before and after the event was noted.
The new king of Saudi Arabia unexpectedly decided to play flab and fight with the pro-Iranian Shiites in Yemen. The operation, according to American patterns, was called "Decisive Storm". Moreover, the Saudis announced the creation of some kind of rapid reaction force of the League of Arab States. Moreover, they are going to fight not only in Yemen, but also in Syria. Where could this lead the kingdom and the region?
"Old Robbers"from Riyadh
The Saudis were in earnest. Things got to the point that the country's foreign minister sharply responded to the President's message V. Putin summit of the Arab League, sustained in the tone of calls for peace. The head of the Saudi Foreign Ministry said that Moscow is also involved in the events in the Middle East and the Russian leader personally bears his share of responsibility, supplying weapons to Syria and allowing it to "fight against its people." The next day, the minister continued the war of words: "The Houthis and ex-president Saleh, with the support of Iran, violated the stability of Yemen and again confused the cards." "The war has hit the drums and we are ready for it," he added, essentially threatening Iran as well.
It looks like the Saudis are confused about the terms. Apparently, they call the “Syrian people” gangs of thousands of mercenaries recruited with Saudi money. I would also like to remind Mr. Minister that Russia and Damascus are bound by a mutual assistance treaty. So, if the “old robbers” from Riyadh, who have fought too hard, decide to really fight in Syria, then they will be hurt. In addition, Iran has also entered into a military alliance with Syria.
land of warriors
Nevertheless, while the main events are unfolding in Yemen. This country has always been inhabited by very warlike tribes and clans. Yemenis never part with weapons. One of the most common male names they have is Asker, that is, “warrior”. It is an honor for the Yemenis to rob and subdue their neighbors. Awefully "love" in Yemen and Saudi neighbors. Including because the Saudi kingdom has repeatedly tried to establish control over this land. As with the help of war, and through their proteges.
South and North Yemen were separated for a long time, and united only in 1990. But the contradictions between them have not gone away. In 1994, the south rebelled again. Then the north managed to win. Where by force, where by deceit, and where with the help "Al-Qaeda".
Frostbitten among the frostbitten
But in 2004, Shia tribes rebelled in the mountainous province of Saada in the south - the very ones who are now called Houthis. They are even among the Yemeni "thugs" are considered the most militant. In 2009, she got into this war Saudi Arabia. The conflict broke out over a disputed area on the border. Then the Houthis first defeated the Yemeni army, and then the Saudis. They destroyed and captured a lot of military equipment, killed and captured hundreds of soldiers and even an intelligence general.
Shiites-Houthis actively supported Iran. Helped and Hezbollah- Iranian and Lebanese instructors made an army out of the militant highlanders, divided into regiments and brigades, with dedicated tank, mechanized and artillery units. But there are enough weapons in Yemen even without Iran. In this "corner of pacifists" on 25 million population(slightly less than in Saudi Arabia itself) 60 million barrels. The Yemeni army has amassed huge stockpiles of weapons purchased in Russia, Belarus, Ukraine, USA and other countries.
Only tanks up to a thousand including over a hundred T‑80BV and T-72B. There are also T-62, T-55. A lot of light armored vehicles and MLRS - only "Gradov" in working order until 200 machines, 15 Hurricanes, hundreds of artillery pieces.There are ballistic missiles type R-17 Elbrus, Tochka, Luna-M.There is also aviation, including several dozen brand new MiG-29SMT.
The Americans alone handed over half a billion dollars worth of weapons to Yemen. During the war, all this gradually flows to the Houthis, who are already driving American MRAPs and our T-80BVs. And often together with users - parts of the army go over to their side.
Eventually fighting led to the fact that the government army was defeated and demoralized, part went over to the Houthis, who first captured the capital Sanaa, and now control almost all of Aden. President Hadi fled the country, and the country's former unifying president, Saleh, is now on the side of the Houthis.
Lots of moneylittle sense
Saudi Arabia is a rich country. It spends significant funds on defense (up to 10-11% of GDP), but the money is spent senselessly, often corruptly. As a result, the army is very well equipped, but somewhat disorganized and unsystematic. Kingdom Armed Forces - 224 thousand people. The most prestigious are the fleet, air force and air defense - it is there that the princes of the royal house go to serve.
The Saudi aviation is quite strong - more than 300 combat aircraft (F-15, Typhoon, Tornado), about 200 helicopters, incl. 80 percussion "Apache". But it is not enough to have modern aircraft - you need to be able to use them, you need to have normal reconnaissance and interaction. Neither the Saudis nor their "voluntary assistants" have any of this.
non-prestigious army
The ground component of the Saudi army has 150 thousand people, but half is the National Guard. These troops are 8 light infantry motorized brigades armed with wheeled armored personnel carriers, jeeps and mortars. In general, something like internal troops. The National Guard is perfectly motivated - people are personally selected there by the king and the highest members of the ruling house. But these troops are needed solely to maintain power in the kingdom, and they will not have to fight in Yemen.
And the regular army is 75 thousand people in 12 brigades: 3 tank, 5 motorized infantry, 3 light infantry, 1 landing. Is there some more 5 separate regiments of artillery and MLRS and a regiment of protection of the king. Armed with about thousands of tanks, but only about 600 are in the army (of which 315 "Abramsov M1A2", others - the ancient M60A3), the rest are in storage. There are also several thousand different armored personnel carriers, infantry fighting vehicles and armored vehicles of American and European production, up to 300 MLRS, more 400 Self-propelled guns, a lot of towed artillery and mortars.
Power, on paper, formidable. But the Saudi army has hardly ever fought and is mired in typical problems for such armies, like top-to-bottom fraud. All this is exacerbated by nepotism, corruption and preferential rights of representatives of the ruling house. Combat coordination and serious exercises in the Saudi army simply do not happen. Weapons and equipment seem to be modern, but they are chosen in an idiotic way, even in best parts. The real state of technology is not known to anyone.
Service in these parts is not prestigious, princes do not go there. But there are many former slaves (until 1962 there was slavery in the SA) and mercenaries recruited from all over the Arab world. Especially many Pakistanis.
Why Riyadh is at war
There are several reasons for the war. The new king wants to show that he is a strong and determined ruler. The Saudis also greatly fear that after the accession of the Houthis in southern Yemen, the country will become an Iranian military foothold in their soft underbelly. The formation of a coalition and statements about the creation of a rapid reaction force of the Arab League greatly increase, according to Riyadh, its weight on the world stage.
However, the outcome of the war may be just the opposite. The US almost defiantly limited itself to dry words of support. It is beneficial for the Americans to flare up another major front in the world war without their participation. But it is even more profitable for Washington if the presumptuous Saudi princes are punched in the neck - they will be more accommodating and refrain from "anti-shale" price wars for oil.
Strikes in milk
So far, the bombings have not brought a serious military result. Yes, it was possible to bomb several runways and parking lots for Yemeni aircraft - but most of it was out of order or did not have pilots. And the most valuable equipment has either been gutted or stolen by the Iranians. It seems that they destroyed some warehouses where ballistic missiles of the Yemeni army were stored - but were there missiles there? And do the Houthis have specialists to use them?
But strikes are being made on cities - more than 60 civilians. But attempts to prevent the transfer of reinforcements with the help of air strikes clearly do not give an effect - the Houthis quite successfully continue their offensive. And in some places they open the gate military units without a single shot. In part, they have to thank the coalition Air Force for this. Many political forces and the common people immediately acted as a united front against the aggressors. So, she went over to Husi's side 17th Yemeni Brigade, whose base is located on the bank of the key Bab el Mandeb.
But there are already the first losses: inept pilots work from low altitudes and they are shot down. So far, reliably shot down two aircraft F‑15 Saudi Arabia and Su-24M Sudan Air Force.
Ground operation -I want and I'm afraid
Initial claims that a ground operation would soon follow are now slowly being put on the brakes. It seems that no one in the Saudi General Staff really knows what to do next. The Shiites are not going to scatter - on the contrary, their support is only increasing and the ranks are replenished. The fighters are already in order 100 000.
It's scary to intrude. There is a coalition ground forces no. Morocco or Pakistan will obviously not send anyone, and there is not much sense from the UAE and other "gulf powers". Egypt has many troops, but how and how to quickly transport them? Yes, and al-Susi will not give many soldiers - he has Libya at his side, where Cairo is waging a war and terrorists in the Sinai.
In addition, the Shiites in response may themselves launch a ground operation. Already, they have deployed a number of formations to the border with Saudi Arabia. Among them is an artillery brigade that is skirmishing with the Saudis along the border while probing their defenses. And it will be difficult to defend against the penetration of mobile light groups of partisans. So Riyadh has so far found itself in the position of a tiger who attacked his evil mother-in-law from jokes: “He attacked himself, let him defend himself!”
Yemeni army advances in Saada province, and the Houthis have opened the largest campaign to mobilize women and children into the army in 4 years
The Yemeni army continues its offensive on the front in Bakia in northern Saada province, confronting Houthi militias in their main stronghold, resulting in heavy casualties with dozens of dead and wounded in the ranks of the rebels. Major-General Hadi Turshan Wail, governor of the province of Saada, explained to the Riyadh newspaper that the Yemeni army has completely taken control of the Aliba mountain range over the past two days and completely liberated the market in Bakia after fierce fighting.
Thus, the Yemeni army, with the support of the coalition of Arab states, completely reached the border line between the province of Juf in Yemen and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, having already advanced 12 km deep into the municipality of Kitaf, reaching the strategically important Mount Malil. Currently, 90% of the territory of the province of Juf has been completely liberated from the Hussites, and the liberated forces of the Yemeni army are directed to the province of Saada.
In connection with the major defeats on the fronts and the growing panic and confusion in the ranks of the Hussites, the leaders of the rebels in the person of Abdulmalik Husi announced an unprecedented campaign for the recruitment of women and children into the army over the past 4 years, whom they are trying to teach combat skills, handling weapons, moving on military equipment, etc., as well as the basics of street fighting in the city, which is becoming more and more relevant in connection with the approach of the front from the east to the city of Sana'a.
Episodes have been repeatedly recorded when the Houthis broke into schools for girls, demanding from the school administration to put up a certain number of female recruits. In various ways and promises, they try to persuade students to mobilize, put pressure on the widows of the murdered rebels, conditional on the receipt of assistance by the family by the entry of women into the ranks of the rebels. There have been repeated episodes of mobilization of underage children to militant camps, committed by force, or by luring or persuading.
Source:
https://saudi-arabia-en.livejournal.com/2411294.html
http://www.alriyadh.com/1654945
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From the translator: even to a person who is very far from military affairs, it is quite obvious and extremely clear that the combat effectiveness of "soldiers" recruited from underage children, girls and women, even if you give them weapon type AK-47 and RPG-7 grenade launchers, is practically zero, especially against the Yemeni army, equipped with the coalition of the most modern types of weapons (which the Houthis never dreamed of), having tanks and self-propelled guns, as well as the support of the coalition air force - one of the most powerful in the world. There is only one definition for all this, as if it were more correct to call it “a woman’s army” - “cannon fodder”, which will not even slow down the advance of the Yemeni army, and in the best possible way (and most favorable for the unfortunate women of Yemen themselves, turned into living toys of the Rafidites ) - run away, or surrender - at the first hint of real hostilities (which are very different from dancing with AK-47s in the squares in Sana'a in the style of the Lebanese Hezbollah). In 1945 A. Hitler also tried to organize both the "Hitler Youth" from children, and the "Volkssturm" from civilians, including women, but, however, neither one nor the other did not save the possessed Fuhrer (although in german army then there was discipline and a system for training soldiers, which is not even close to that of the Hussite bandit gangs), and certainly will not save Rafid Abdulmalik Husi.
After the change of power in the country in November 2011, the new leadership of the Republic of Yemen (YR) took a number of steps to reorganize the national armed forces (66.7 thousand people), purge their ranks from supporters former president A. A. Salekha. At the same time, in the conditions of the very difficult military-political situation remaining in the republic, transition period The YR government is trying to increase the combat effectiveness of the army, strengthen discipline in the troops, and raise the level of the morale and psychological state of the personnel. Measures are being taken to strengthen the unity of the army, reduce the level of disunity within the armed forces and eliminate its causes, and prevent the resumption of confrontation between various military formations. Ultimately, we are talking about the maximum possible reduction in the influence of the military on political life Yemen and increasing the capabilities of the army in the fight against armed formations of Islamic extremists and terrorists.
In August 2012, Yemeni President A. R. Hadi issued a decree disbanding the 1st Armored Division, commanded by the influential General A. M. al-Ahmar, and the Republican Guard. It was headed by the son of A. A. Saleh Ahmed. It was these formations that played very important role in the military-political confrontation in Yemen in 2011. Four of their brigades became part of the presidential security forces, and the rest were reassigned to the commanders of the Southern and Central military districts.
A new organizational structure Yemeni armed forces. The head of state, who also heads the National Defense Council, remained the Supreme Commander (SHC). The Ministry of Defense is entrusted with the task of developing and implementing the military policy of the state, and the General Staff should manage the troops and deal with issues of their training.
The Yemeni Armed Forces comprised the following five components: Ground Forces, Air Force (together with Air Defense Forces), Naval Forces and Coastal Defense Forces, border troops and Strategic Reserve.
In military-administrative terms, the territory of YR was proposed to be divided into seven military districts (previously there were five) and several separate operational areas. The grouping of troops in each of the districts (directions) will be determined in accordance with the country's defense plan, which should be developed by the Ministry of Defense and the General Staff.
On April 10, 2013, President Hadi signed a series of decrees on organizational and personnel changes in the army. In particular, the division of the country's territory into seven military districts was formalized and their commanders were appointed. It is assumed that the change of commanders of military districts will take place every two to three years. It should be noted that out of the seven new commanders of the districts, four people come from the South of Yemen, and three from the North. General A. M. al-Ahmar (appointed as presidential adviser on defense and security issues) and high-ranking supporters of A. A. Saleh and A. M. al-Ahmar, who were appointed military attachés at Yemeni embassies in various countries. A. A. Saleh's son Ahmed has been appointed Yemeni Ambassador to the UAE. Personnel movements in the capital and in the regions took place in a generally calm atmosphere. The departure of the Saleh and al-Ahmar clans from leading positions in the army was expected. With him, the military linked their hopes for weakening corruption in the armed forces and putting the situation with monetary allowance in order. In general, the measures taken contributed to strengthening the control of the country's leadership over the armed forces, reducing the level of confrontation between individual groups of army commanders. It should be noted that the measures to reform the Armed Forces were prepared by a special commission with the participation of specialists from the United States and Jordan.
The main formations of the ground forces(60.7 thousand people, along with the forces that make up the Strategic Reserve) is a brigade. In total, there are up to 40 brigades (infantry, mountain infantry, mechanized, tank, airborne, special forces, missile, artillery, presidential security). Of these, the Strategic Reserve, which is directly subordinate to the President of the YR - the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces, includes missile brigades, presidential security brigades and Special Operations Forces (special forces brigades, mountain infantry brigade, anti-terrorist units).
In service with the ground forces and the Strategic Reserve available: 28 launchers for operational-tactical and tactical missiles (6 launchers OTR R-17 (Scad), 19 launchers TR "Tochka" and 12 launchers TR "Luna-M"), up to 860 tanks (T-80, T-72 , T-62, T-55, T-54, T-34-85, M-60), up to 1200 artillery pieces, MLRS and mortars, about 70 ATGM launchers, up to 200 BMP-1 and BMP-2, over 400 Armored personnel carriers and other armored vehicles, about 800 MANPADS and up to 450 anti-aircraft guns and installations. Units and subunits of the ground forces regularly participate in combat operations against militants of extremist groups associated with Al-Qaeda and other illegal armed groups operating in Yemen.
Into the Air Force(4.3 thousand people) also includes air defense units. There are up to 80 combat aircraft in service, including 22 MiG-29 fighters of various modifications. Also in service are approximately 40 combat and training aircraft and up to 20 military transport aircraft. Helicopter aviation is represented by approximately 20 combat and 40 transport vehicles. A significant part of aviation equipment is out of order. The Yemeni Air Force has seven air bases: Sanaa, Hodeidah, Al-Anad, Atak, Aden, Er-Rayan, Taizz. Air defense units are armed with S-75, S-125 and Kvadrat air defense systems, the technical condition of which is at a low level.
Naval Forces and coastal defense forces(1.7 thousand people) are the weakest among the countries of the Arabian Peninsula. The ship's composition is represented by 9 warships and approximately 40 boats, including 4 missile boats. The coastal defense has 2 batteries (8 launchers) of the Rubezh anti-ship complex and approximately 60 artillery pieces of 130 and 100 mm caliber. Marine Corps units number 500 people. The naval bases are located in Aden and Hodeidah, and the bases are on the islands of Perim and Socotra, in Al-Naib and Mukalla. There are also three coastal defense areas: El Beid, Aden and Kamran Island. In general, in terms of its composition, armament and technical readiness, the YR Navy is able to perform only a limited range of tasks of patrolling coastal waters and the transfer of troops and military cargo.
Almost complete lack of own military industry makes Yemen dependent on foreign supplies of weapons and military equipment. At the same time, the lack of financial resources and the difficult, unstable situation in the country limit the government's ability to technical equipment national army. The volumes of military imports are small. So, in 2008-2011. Yemen has bought about $400 million worth of weapons. During the same period, new contracts were signed for the purchase of various military products worth $500 million. The biggest deal in last years was the purchase in Belarus in 2011 of 66 T-80 tanks.
Military ties with the United States are intensively developing, which provide the armed forces of the YR with information and logistical support in carrying out operations against militants and terrorists. American UAVs periodically strike at terrorist targets. The United States is assisting in the training of military personnel. Thus, American specialists are involved in the training of personnel of the Yemeni special forces.
Military-technical ties are also maintained with Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, China and some other countries.
In general, the armed forces of Yemen on present stage are in a very difficult position. The disunity among the personnel of the army has not been completely overcome. The troops have a lot of obsolete and outdated equipment, and the supply of modern types of weapons from abroad is small. The level of personnel training remains weak. At a low level is the rear and logistics. The existing repair base does not meet the needs of the army. There is an acute shortage of spare parts for all types of equipment. The military infrastructure of the country and the operational equipment of its territory are underdeveloped. The system of command and control, reconnaissance and communications needs to be radically improved. The weakness of army training is clearly manifested in the course of combat operations against armed formations of extremists and terrorists.