Talalay m. Russian church life and church building in Italy
Preface. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
Part one.
Russian Athos in the XV-XX centuries
(M. Talalay, P. Troitsky)
I. Renewal of ties between Russia and Athos. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
1. XV-XVI centuries. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
2. "Panteleev" monastery. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
II. Athos and Russia in the 17th century. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
1. Alms from Muscovy. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
2. Correction of the "Moscow" books on the Athos rite. . . . 31
III. Crisis and revival: XVIII - early XIX century. . . . . . . . . 35
1. The decline of Russik. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35
2. Help for the Russian Athonites. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
3. The feat of St. Paisia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40
4. Transfer of Athos traditions to Russia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
IV. XIX century. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47
Panteleimon Monastery. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47
1. Crisis in the first half of the 19th century. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47
2. Greco-Russian Panteleimon process. . . . . . . . . . 72
3. Father Superior Macarius. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97
4. Founding Fathers. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123
Andrew's Skete. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129
1. Founding Fathers. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129
2. Second half of the 19th century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135
3. The beginning of the twentieth century. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 148
Ilyinsky Skete. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 152
1. The end of the XVII - the first half of the XIX century.
Service of monk-prince Anikita. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 152
2. Middle of the 19th century: Paisius - "Second". . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163
3. Second half of the 19th century. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165
4. Rev. Gabriel of Athos. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 171
Small Russian monasteries. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 178
1. Cell of St. John Chrysostom
(of the Hilandar Monastery). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 178
2. Cell of St. Ignatius the God-bearer
(of the Hilandar Monastery). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 188
3. Cell of St. John the Theologian
(of the Hilandar Monastery). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 190
4. Annunciation cell
(of the Hilandar Monastery). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 196
5. Cell of the Holy Trinity
(of the Hilandar Monastery). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 200
6. Cell of St. Nicholas "Belozerka"
(of the Hilandar Monastery). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 202
7. Cell of St. John Chrysostom
(Iversky monastery). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 206
8. Cell of St. Onuphrius of Egypt and Peter of Athos
(Iversky monastery). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 209
9. St. George's cell on Kerash (Great Lavra). . . . 210
10. Artemyevskaya cell (Great Lavra). . . . . . . . . . . . . 212
11. Holy Cross cell
(Karakal Monastery). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 214
12. Cell of the Entry into the Temple of the Virgin
(Stavronikitsky monastery). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 220
13. Annunciation cell
(Simon-Petrovsky Monastery). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 220
14. Cell of St. Stephen
(St. Panteleimon Monastery). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 222
CONTENTS 7
15. Cell of the Position of the Belt (Iberian Monastery). . . . 222
16. Voznesenskaya cell (Filofeevsky monastery). . . . 226
17. Cell of St. Nicholas
(Filofeevsky Monastery). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 228
18. Cell of Great Martyr George
(Filofeevsky Monastery). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 229
19. Cell of Michael the Archangel
(Cathedral of the Archangels; Stavronikitsky Monastery). . . . . 231
20. Russian cells and kalyvas of the Karul skete. . . . . . . . . . 232
21. Brotherhood of Russian monasteries. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 237
V. Beginning of the XX century. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 249
1. Attempts to reform on Mount Athos and Russian diplomacy. . . 249
2. Accession to Greece. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 254
3. The Athonite question after the London conference
great powers (A. Parshintsev). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 263
4. Athos "distemper". . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 293
5. First World War. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 295
Part two.
Russian Athonites in 1918-2015
(M. Shkarovsky)
1. Russian Athos monasticism
in the first post-revolutionary years. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 305
2. Spiritual and economic life
Russian monasteries of Athos in the 1925-1930s. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 327
3. Holy Mountain during the Second World War. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 347
4. Gradual extinction of Russian monasticism on Athos
in 1945-1960s. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 367
5. Struggle of the Moscow Patriarchy
for the preservation of Russian monasteries. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 413
6. Revival of Russian monasticism on Athos
in the 1990s - 2010s . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 443
List of abbreviations. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 463
St. Petersburg: Publishing house "Kolo", 2010. - 400 pp. The book of the historian M. G. Talalay is the result of his fifteen years of work in the archives and libraries of Italy and Russia. It is a unique "encyclopedia" of Russian church life in the Apennines in all its aspects - historical, political, artistic, biographical, everyday. The church presence of Russia is presented from its origins, from the establishment of embassy and mission churches in late XVIII century, through the initiatives of sedentary representatives of the pre-revolutionary elite, as well as holidaymakers and pilgrims, and to the activities of emigrants, including their latest “wave” at the turn of the 20th-21st centuries.
For the first time, a number of archival materials are published in the Appendixes - first of all, the most detailed "Journal" of the builder of the embassy church in Florence, the venerable archpriest Vladimir Levitsky. Modern domestic historical science in the study of actual recent history pays special attention to the study of Russians abroad.
The new book presents a study that significantly expands our knowledge of Russians in Italy in the 18th-20th centuries. Its theme, the history of the Russian ecclesiastical presence in Italy, comes into contact with the diplomatic history of relations between Russia and the Italian states, more precisely, it includes both issues.
In general, we can say that the author solves an important task - to show the role of Russian churches in Italy, created and maintained as Russian state, and private individuals, in an effort to preserve and establish Orthodoxy in a Catholic country; in the care of compatriots, especially emigrants; in the preservation and development of Russian culture in Western Europe.
Foreword
Introduction
The eternal City
At the origins of the Missionary Church in the Papal States.
Embassy church in the capital of the Italian kingdom
Parish of St. Nicholas in the Palazzo Chernysheff
Pilgrimage to Roman shrinesIn the "cradle" of the Renaissance
Mission Church in the Grand Duchy of Tuscany
House "chapels" of Russian aristocrats
Embassy Imperial Church
"The most beautiful temple in the diocese"
“We, who do not have a homeland, have only the church left”
On South
Embassy church in Naples
House church in Palermo
In the north
Embassy and parish churches in the Piedmontese kingdom
Embassy church in the Republic of Venice
In the Tyrolean region
Resorts from the Empire
church life
Years of oblivion
On the Italian Riviera
Church building in Sanremo
Arrival at the "Riviera of Flowers"
Montenegrin memorial
To Nicholas the Wonderworker
Orthodox pilgrimage to Bari
Construction of a hospice
Litigation around the courtyard
Emigrant initiatives
Milan
Genoa
DP camps
Torre Pelic
In modern Italy
Russian Orthodox Church (Moscow Patriarchate)
Stauropegial temples
Rome
Bari
Korsun diocese
Italian deanery of Bologna
Venice
Genoa.
Magliano Alfieri (Province of Cuneo)
Milan
Modena
Naples
Ravenna
Turin
Francavilla Fontana
Archdiocese of the Orthodox Russian Churches of Western Europe (Patriarchate of Constantinople). Italian deanery
Sanremo
Florence
Rome
Brescia
Vigevano (Lombardy)
Busto Arsizio (Lombardy)
Conclusion
Applications:
Archpriest Vladimir Levitsky. Russian Construction Journal Orthodox Church in Laurence. 1897-1912
Adrian Kharkevich. Diary of a choir director. 1903-1954
Anna Sukhanina. The construction of the Russian church in San Remo in Italy. 1910-1954
Prince Nikolai Zhevakhov. Letters from Bari. 1920s
Orthodox cemeteries in Italy
List of abbreviations
Chronology
Topography
Notes
name index
M., 2014. - 908 p., LXXX p. ill.
Format 60x90 1/16. 7B.
Circulation 1000 copies.
Series "Russian necropolis". Release 21
Ed. and with additional A.A. Shumkova
For the first time, the most complete set of names of people from Russian Empire and the USSR, who ended their days and were buried in Italy. Among them are statesmen, diplomats, military men, writers, artists, as well as holidaymakers, emigrants, prisoners of war of the First World War, participants in the Second World War: Resistance partisans and collaborators, members of Italian-Russian families, etc. The references are provided with biographical and genealogical information. collected during many years of searching in state, municipal, cemetery, church, family archives, in rare printed sources, as well as during the examination of necropolises in Rome, Florence, Milan, Naples, San Remo, Genoa and other Italian cities and villages.
Introduction. “Under the myrtle of beautiful Italy” .......................... 7
General beginnings of work on the alphabetical code .............................. 13
Explanations for the submission of material ............................................... ..........17
Designations and abbreviations of sources....................................19 Abbreviations....... ................................................. .................................thirty
Conventions .................................................................. ......................31
PART I. Alphabetical Code of the Dead and Buried in Italy, immigrants from the Russian Empire and the USSR
BUT................................................. ................................................. ...32 B ............................... ................................................. ........72 V ........................................ ................................................. ...........146 G..................................... ................................................. ..............184 D.................................. ................................................. .................230 E....................... ................................................. ....................269 F....................... ................................................. ......................278 Z.......................... ................................................. .........................284 I...................... ................................................. ......................302 J..................... ......................... ................................................. ....320 K ............................... ................................................. .......321 L ........................................ ................................................. ..........412 M....................... ................................................. ............440 N................................... ................................................. ..............490 O.................................. ................................................. ................518 P................................ ................................................. .................536 R....................... ................................................. .........................576 C...................... ................................................. ................................622 T ........................ ................................................. ....................... ....684 U....................................... ................................................. ..... 711 F ........................................ ................................................. ..........720 X....................... ................................................. ..............741 H .............................. ................................................. ................755 C................................ ...... ................................................. ............761 Sh................................... ................................................. ..............772 SH .............................. ................................................. ..............802 E.................................. ................................................. .................809 Yu....................... ................................................. .................817 I.............................. ................................................. ...................820
HART II. Russian graves in Italian cemeteries
Rome (cemeteries of Testaccio, Verano, Flaminio)..................................831
Tuscany (Livorno, Florence).................................................. ............850
Campania (Naples, Capri).................................................. .................859
Liguria (San Remo, Bordighera, Genoa) .............................................. ..865
Venice (Cemetery of San Michele) .............................................. .........872
South Tyrol (Merano, Bolzano) .............................................. ...878
Milan (monumentale cemeteries, Maggiore) ..................................885
Military necropolises .................................................................. ......................889
World War I............................................... ...................890
The Second World War............................................... ...................896
Useful information....................................................................903
The Artistic Culture of the Russian Diaspora, 1917–1939 [Collected Articles] Team of Authors
M. G. Talalay Russian artists in southern Italy
M. G. Talalay
Russian artists in southern Italy
In the XIX-XX centuries, the masters of the Italian South, due to the historical marginality of this region, remained little known to European art history. The same applies to emigrants, who are even more isolated from exhibitions and publications in art centers.
In the late 1920s, on the shores of the Gulf of Salerno, in the town of Positano (Amalfi Coast), a participant civil wars s, self-taught painter Ivan Pankratievich Zagoruiko(1896–1964). A talented landscape painter, he also painted portraits of local residents, as well as views of abandoned Russia. An unusual series of views of the Valaam Monastery, visited by the artist in the mid-1930s, when the Ladoga archipelago was part of Finland. He also owns a large tragic canvas of symbolic significance: the severed heads of knights on a field overgrown with thistles against the backdrop of the burning Kremlin. The artist enjoyed success, but his fate changed dramatically during World War II, when the fascist authorities decided to remove foreigners from strategic zones, including the Amalfi Coast: they were afraid that they would give secret signs to Anglo-American aircraft and submarines. The most effective means of protection at that time were false certificates of illness: Zagoruiko also provided such paper to the police. As a result, he was allowed to stay in Positano, but he was forced to sign the so-called. "Verbale di diffida" (Prevention Protocol), according to which he was forbidden to receive guests at his home, to leave the city limits of Positano and to paint in the open air. Landscapes served as the main theme of the painter, and hungry times came for him. With the end of the war, Zagoruiko was again actively involved in artistic life.
His art colleague, artist Vasily Nikolaevich Nechitailov(1888–1980), settled in these parts, on the Amalfi Coast, probably due to his acquaintance with Zagoruiko in the ranks Volunteer army. He spent his first emigre years in Bulgaria, then moved to France, and in 1936, after short stops in Venice, Florence and Rome, he settled in Positano, when Zagoruiko was already living there. Both artists won recognition in the Amalfi region, but their paths were different: if Zagoruiko painted nature and portraits, then Nechitailov focused on religious painting. By the end of the 1930s, there was his rapprochement with the local clergy, as well as a confessional change: Nechitailov became a Catholic of the Eastern rite and was nominally included in the Russian Catholic parish in Rome, the only one of its kind in Italy, with divine services in the Slavic language. He spent the dramatic military period in the quiet mountainous Ravello, trying not to draw attention to himself. AT post-war years Bishop Angelo Rossini became his patron, and in 1947-1965 he was the primate of the Amalfi See. By his order, the artist painted the famous painting "Wonderful Catch". Placed on the entrance wall of the Amalfi Cathedral, in the crypt of which rest the relics of the Apostle Andrew, taken from Constantinople during the Fourth crusade, the picture with its plot was associated with the First-Called Apostle. The images of fishermen and the disciples of Christ, in which the painter conveyed the features of the Amalfis familiar to him, were of particular popularity to The Miraculous Catch. In one of the characters, according to the Renaissance tradition, the author portrayed himself. The Cathedral of Positano is adorned by another painting, similar in style, painted by Nechitailov in the 1950s. It depicts the most important local event of the 12th century - the arrival of the miraculous icon of the Mother of God by sea. Among the characters meeting her, the inhabitants of Positano recognized themselves and the author of the painting. Another outstanding work of Nechitailov was the painting "The Amalfi Madonna", which adorned the altar of the house church in the abolished Amalfi seminary. It is characteristic that in the image of the Virgin Mary, captured against the backdrop of the rugged Amalfi coast, Slavic features are visible. By nature, Nechitailov was an unsociable person and was reluctant to communicate; His main hobby was beekeeping. In this area, the artist achieved such authority that in 1947 he was invited to the First All-Italian Congress of Beekeepers in Ancona. Toward the end of his life, Nechitailov began to be tormented by the ghosts of the Civil War, security officers, "red" spies, and the like. The artist almost did not let anyone near him, destroyed his personal archive, and in the last days, in the spring of 1980, he spoke exclusively in Russian, which none of the Amalfis around him were able to understand ...
Their colleagues also came to visit the artists, primarily the sociable Zagoruiko. Lived in Positano for several years Grigory Osherov, a number of works of which replenished the art gallery of Salerno. His name, along with that of Zagoruiko, appears on a list of foreigners drawn up in 1941 to be removed from the Amalfi Coast. However, unlike the latter, Osherov did not manage to avoid deportation, and his traces were lost. The German exile Walter Meckmauer left literary evidence about the artist: “In our eyes, everyone in his own way had something significant and attractive: the artist Grigory Osherov, whom I already knew from Berlin, emigrated from Russia before 1917, and after almost twenty years of living in Berlin was again forced to wander ... "Osherov, thanks to his German culture, easily made friends with refugees from Germany and Austria, as evidenced by a series of portraits of the family of Harald Thiel, a liberal journalist who retired to Positano into self-exile.
Other artists often visited the picturesque Amalfi Coast: Konstantin Gorbatov, Andrei Beloborodov, Alexei Isupov, Boris Georgiev.
The largest contribution to the development of local artistic crafts was made by Irina Vyacheslavovna Kovalskaya(1905-1991), which is called in Italy "Kowaliska" due to an erroneous original record. Irina was born in Warsaw; her mother, nee Friedlander, was from Petersburg. Immediately after the end of the Soviet-Polish war, the Kowalskis moved to Vienna, where Irina completed her art education. She settled in the Italian South in 1934, devoting an extraordinary amount of energy to the development of ceramic production, the center of which has long been established in the town of Vietri sul Mare. She also owns many designs that contributed to the emergence of a special Positan style (Moda Positano). Kowalska moved primarily in the German-speaking world, and on the Amalfi Coast she found a life partner in the writer Armin T. Wegner (1886–1978), known for his passionate exposé of the Armenian genocide in Turkey. In 1933, Wegner wrote an open letter to Hitler demanding an end to racial persecution, for which he was imprisoned in a concentration camp, and upon his release he left his homeland forever, settling in Italy in 1936.
Apart from his colleagues who lived on the shores of the Gulf of Salerno, kept Mikhail Mikhailovich Ogranovich(1878–1945), resident of the island of Capri. Actually, he cannot be called an emigrant in the full sense: according to the latest Soviet terminology, he could only be considered a “defector”. Ogranovich was born in St. Petersburg, in the family of a wealthy doctor, owner of a Crimean sanatorium. As a graduate of the Baron Stieglitz, who was awarded a boarding trip for a brilliantly executed sketch of furniture in the Renaissance style (1901), he travels to Italy, ends up in Capri and falls in love - both with the island and with one of its inhabitants, Laura Petagna, whom he marries, regardless of parent protests. All further life, since 1902, proceeded in an idyllic Capri atmosphere, without any creative communication with compatriots. painter with vocational education he quickly found a clientele, specializing in landscapes - since the Capri nature provided ample material. Surrounded by extensive Italian relatives who owned a prestigious hotel, he did not aspire to any artistic career, only occasionally exhibiting in Neapolitan galleries. Ogranovich's talents and skill were appreciated by the Caprians, and his works were distributed to private homes and institutions; they were also eagerly bought by visitors to Capri in the 1930s. During the war, landscapes had to be abandoned, and the artist creates a number of family portraits, and when, in 1943, the island becomes a recreation center for the Anglo-American troops, he does not hesitate to paint soldiers' leather jackets with Capri motifs. In 2005, the Neapolitan Association of Maxim Gorky held his first posthumous exhibition, and Ogranovich's work began to emerge from a long oblivion.
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HISTORY OF DOMESTIC COLLABORATION: MATERIALS AND RESEARCH » PUBLISHED ATANLE LS MTV ASO «STARAYA YAB Old Basmannaya Moscow 2017 Scientific publication Managing editor A. Martynov History of Russian collaboration: Materials and research. – M.: Staraya Basmannaya, 2017. – 396 p.: ill. The collection exposes the myths that justify collaboration, and also introduces into scientific circulation previously unknown texts and facts about the cooperation of Soviet citizens and Russian emigrants with the Nazis during the Great Patriotic War and the crimes they committed. The relationship between the Vlasovites and the SS, the punitive activities of the Kaminsky brigade, internal conflicts and contradictions between collaborators in the so-called 1st Russian National Army, the service of former Red Army soldiers in the “White Guard” Russian Corps, the participation of the ROA brigade in battles in Italy at the end of the war. ISBN 978-5-906470-?????????????? © Team of authors, text, illustrations, 2017 © OOO Staraya Basmannaya, original layout, 2017 Foreword 3 CONTENTS Martynov A. Foreword....................................... ................................................. ...........5 Semyonov K. "With comradely greetings, Your G. Himmler": the SS and the Vlasov movement ................................ ................................................. .....................7 Appendix .......................................... ................................................. .....21 Petrov I., Martynov A. "An unsightly picture of the scenes of the Vlasov movement": Mikhail Samygin and his book............................25 Samygin M. Russian liberation movement .........................................37 Zhukov D ., Kovtun I. Repressive activities of the Kaminsky brigade in the occupied territories of the USSR in 1941-1944. ................................................. ............................... 123 Appendix .................. ................................................. .........................172 Beida O., Petrov I. "The overthrow of communism is possible only with the Germans...": Farid's letter and interview Kapkaeva ..........181 Bondarev D. Review of Polish sources on war crimes of the consolidated regiment of the RONA brigade during the suppression of the Warsaw Uprising of 1944 .......... ...............221 Martynov A. "... There are no objections to the publication of postcards for the Cossacks with Russian text": On the issue of cultural policy in the 1st Cossack Cavalry Division.... ...............................................246 Talalay M . Italian testimonies about the Cossack camp ........................... 251 Belkov A. The beginning of the Great Patriotic War in the reflection of the Russian émigré press in Yugoslavia.......................274 Martynov A. Reds in the ranks of the Whites: On the question of the service of Soviet citizens in the Russian Corps.......... .........................................284 Zhukov D., Kovtun I. Boris Holmston-Smyslovskiy and NTS: History of cooperation and confrontation .................................................. .297 4 Table of Contents Martynov A. “The time has come for the ranks of the 1st Russian National Army to leave the country”: On the history of the stay of Holmston-Smyslovsky’s troops in Liechtenstein....................................... ................................................. .........................339 Shneer A. Camp Travniki based on the materials of investigative documents of the NKVD, the MGB, the KGB and the trials of 1944–1987. in the USSR .........................346 Appendix ......... ................................................. ..............................387 Martynov A. On the history of the activities of the ROA brigade in Italy ..... ......388 Italian testimonies about the Cossack camp 251 Mikhail Talalay Italian testimonies about the Cossack camp Before turning to the direct evidence of the Italians about the stay of the Cossacks, let us briefly recall the facts. In September 1942, in Novocherkassk, occupied by the Germans, with the sanction of the occupying authorities, a Cossack gathering gathered, at which the headquarters of the Don Cossacks was elected (since November 1942 - the headquarters of the Marching Ataman). In fact, this meant the creation of local self-government in a territory inhabited by approximately 160 thousand people. In January-February 1943, after the offensive of the Red Army, 120 thousand refugees crossed the ice from Taman to Taganrog (among them 80 thousand Cossacks, including the elderly, women and children). Some of them became the basis of the future Cossack camp, originally located in Ukraine, where in the spring of 1944 only about 18 thousand Cossacks gathered together with their families, the rest were dispersed along different European fronts, died during the retreat or were captured by the advancing units of the Red Army . As a result, a mini-model of the traditional Cossack army with a hierarchical structure emerged, located on a separate territory, where active military units were stationed and villages were located. The camp was run by its creator, a former colonel of the Don Army, field ataman Sergey Vasilievich Pavlov, who in Soviet times worked as an engineer at one of the factories in Novocherkassk1. The officers of the Cossack camp attracted Cossack refugees who had been scattered throughout Ukraine by the war. Arriving Cossacks were distributed among the Don, Kuban and Terek "villages". 1 Talalay M. Commander, writer, Cossack // Sowing. 2005. No. 7. P. 45–46. 252 M. Talalay The Germans planned to place the camp in areas of partisan activity, but because of the threat of encirclement of the Cossacks and their families in the spring of 1944, by order of the German command, they moved to Belarus, to the area of the cities of Baranovichi - Slonim - Yelnya - Capitals - Novogrudok, where the headquarters is located. However, already in July, the Cossacks were taken to the northern part of Poland, to the Bialystok region. From here, the transfer of Stan to Northern Italy began, consisting of 11 regiments (1,200 men each), auxiliary units, a cadet school, as well as the elderly, women, and children2. Back in the autumn of 1943, after the successful advance of the allies in the Apennines, in the northeastern territories of Italy, the Nazis established the province of the Adriatic Coast (Adriatisches Küstenland), which included the regions of Udine, Gorizia, Trieste, Ljubljana, in order to strengthen their positions on the Italian front. In this area, Nazi forces were threatened not only by constant Allied bombing, but also by an ever-increasing partisan movement. It was the successes of the communist partisan brigade named after. Garibaldi forced the Wehrmacht to send Cossacks (and Caucasians) to Italy. The Cossack camp was directly subordinate to the head of the SS and police Adriatisches Küstenland, SS Ober-Gruppenführer Odilo Globochnik. In late July - early August 1944, about 20 thousand Cossacks were unloaded at the railway stations of Karnia and Pontebba under the command of Timofey Ivanovich Domanov, who replaced Pavlov, who died on June 17, 1944, as a marching ataman. Kosakenkorps) - settled mainly in Jemon, occupying the fortress of Ozoppo and the village of Amaro, where members of their families settled. In September 1944, another Cossack contingent appeared in the area. With him came many refugees from among the civilian population, who settled in Alesso, Cavazzo and Tolmezzo. Small groups of Cossacks also settled in Kazars, Buje, Maiano, San Daniel, Civadalez (Caucasians settled a little to the north, in Paltsa)3. 2 Shkarovsky M. Cossack camp in Northern Italy // New Journal. 2006. No. 242. S. 203. 3 Talalay M. Commander, writer, Cossack. P. 46. Italian testimonies about the Cossack camp 253 Italian settlements were now called villages. The Cossack center, Alesso, became Novocherkassk, and its main square was named after Ataman Platov, and one of the main streets - Balaklavskaya, in memory of the participation of the Cossacks in the famous battle Crimean War , remembered by contemporaries by the famous attack of the British Light Brigade and the “thin red line” of the Scottish riflemen. In February 1945, the 76-year-old head of the Main Directorate of the Cossack Troops, a participant in the Civil War, General of the Cavalry Pyotr Krasnov, who left Berlin, set up his main headquarters in Verzenis, at the Savoia Hotel (currently the Stella d’Oro)4. It is difficult to determine the exact statistics of the Cossack camp, according to various sources, it consisted of 21,500 to 35,954 people5. On September 30, 1944, its official strength was 15,590 people, including 8,435 civilians (including the elderly, women and children) and 7,155 conscripts, which made up seven regiments of foot and one cavalry. In October-November, more than 6,700 Cossack servicemen (composed of three regiments) joined them. According to the report of Major General Domanov, by April 27, 1945, the number of the camp was 31,630 thousand people, including 18,060 privates, non-commissioned officers and officers, as well as 13,570 civilians6. ... On April 30, 1945, the commander of the German troops on the Southwestern Front (in Italy), Colonel-General Heinrich von Vietinghoff, signed the ceasefire order, and on May 2, surrender was to begin. On the same day, the leadership of the Cossack camp issued an order to resettle on the territory of Austria, in East Tyrol, hoping for an honorable surrender to the British. On the night of May 2-3, the Cossacks set out on their last campaign through the Alps. It turned out to be very difficult: at first, near the village of Ovaro, the partisans blocked the mountain road and demanded the surrender of all vehicles and weapons. After a short battle, the Cossacks won and cleared their way. 4 Talalay M. Commander, writer, Cossack. pp. 45, 46; Shkarovsky M. Cossack camp in Northern Italy. P. 206. 5 Martynov A.V. On both sides of the truth: the Vlasov movement and domestic collaboration. M., 2014. S. 331. 6 Shkarovsky M. Cossack camp in Northern Italy. P. 205. 254 M. Talalay It is significant that during the last campaign the Cossacks often killed German officers who fled from Italy, and generally expressed anti-German feelings in every possible way. On the first day of Easter, May 6, almost all the Cossack units, having overcome the icy alpine pass Plekenpass in difficult weather conditions, crossed the Italian-Austrian border and reached the Oberdrauburg region7. In Austria, the Cossacks and members of their families - now there are 22 thousand of them - surrendered to the British command, which on May 28 - June 1, 1945 extradited them to the USSR (and not only former "sub-Soviet", but also foreign citizens). January 17, 1947 Krasnov and his closest associates were executed in Moscow. On Italian publications on the history of the Cossack camp in 1944–1945. detailed below. Among other foreign works, we would like to single out the following: Thorvald Jü. Wenn sie verderben vollen (1952); Huxley-Blythe P. The East came West (1964). Also in 2008, a collection of articles “Die Kosaken im Ersten und Zweiten Weltkrieg” was published in Austria (Innsbruck) under general edition Harald Stadler (Stadler), however, on the topic of the Cossack camp, it contains only a translated article by Peter Krikunov. Of the Russian researchers, emigrants and their descendants were the first to take up the topic. Here it is necessary to mention the name of Nikolai Tolstoy-Miloslavsky, who devoted the chapters of his fundamental works “Victims of Yalta” (1978) and “The minister and the Massacres” (1986) to the Cossacks, as well as Major General Vyacheslav Naumenko, who compiled 20 issues of the “Collection of Materials on extradition of the Cossacks in 1945" (1952-1962)8, and the book by Alexander Lenivov "Under the Cossack banner in 1943-1945: The epic of the Cossack Camp under the leadership of Marching Atamans Cossack Troops S.V. Pavlova and T.I. Domanova: Materials and Documents (1970). In Russia, the first scientific articles about the Cossack camp appeared in the mid-90s: Reshin L. “Cossacks” with a swastika. Documents from the archives of the KGB (Motherland. 1993. No. 2. P. 70–82); Sat. “Materials on the history of Rus-7 Shkarovsky M. Cossack camp in Northern Italy. pp. 213–214. 8 Republished: Naumenko V.G. The Great Betrayal: in 2 volumes. New York, 1962, 1970. See also: Naumenko V.G. Great betrayal. M.; SPb., 2008. Italian certificates about the Cossack camp 255 freedom movement(articles, documents, memoirs)” (Issue 1, 4. 1997, 1999); Aleksandrov K.M. "The Cossacks of Russia in the Second World War: on the history of the creation of the Cossack Camp (1942-1943)" (New sentry. 1997. No. 5. P. 154-168); Talalay M.G. ““Cossack land” in Italy” (Science, culture and politics of Russian emigration. St. Petersburg, 2004, pp. 53–58); Shkarovsky M.V. "Cossack Camp in Northern Italy and its church life" (Russians in Italy: Cultural heritage emigration / Comp., scientific. ed. M.G. Talalay. M.: Russian way, 2006. S. 190–208). From separate publications, we single out: Alferyev B., Kruk V. “The marching ataman father von Pannwitz” (1997); Krikunov P. “Cossacks: Between Hitler and Stalin” (2005)9. *** “…Now Hitler has given Karnia into the hands of the Russians [Cossacks], whom the Germans have rounded up, protected and fed. One German officer will serve as a liaison between the German high command and the Russians. This is a gang of huge and powerful men, armed to the teeth, on excellent horses imported from Poland. Ahead is a real occupying army – without women, consisting of colonels, majors, captains, lieutenants and further down in rank”10. Such an entry was made in his diary on October 8, 1944 by the priest Don Graziano Boria (1907–1980), rector of the parish in Vercenyis, in the region of Carnia, which, in turn, is part of the Friuli region. His diary, despite the errors, forgivable to a clergyman (in particular, in relation to the military ranks of the Cossack army), is one of the first and truly unique source on the Cossack epic in Northern Italy. At that stage of the war, the Italian administration in Carnia, in fact, was absent, since the whole region became part of the Adriatisches Küstenland of the Third Reich. Therefore, Berlin did not even condescend to inform its ally, Mussolini, about the resettlement of the Cossacks to the north of the Apennines, to the native Italian lands. In fact, the only local structure that somehow entered into relations with the mili-9 See also: Talalay M.G. Russian Participants of the Italian War of 1943–1945: Partisans, Cossacks, Legionnaires. M., 2015. 10 Hereinafter per. from Italian. the author of the article. 256 M. Talalay, the Catholic Church became newcomers. It is no coincidence that it was the Bishop from Tolmezzo who informed Mussolini about the arrival of the Cossack camp. The diary of Don Graziano Boria is unique not only for its everyday description of the formation and collapse of the “Cossack Land” in Carnia, but also for the fact that its author became one of the few people whom the Cossacks and their leaders perceived as an authoritative representative of the local population. Transferred to the diocesan archives, the diary of Don Graciano Boria has long come to the attention of researchers, but only recently was it published in its entirety in a rare edition11. His scrupulous description of the smallest events recreates the general panorama in her historical development - from horror and anxiety in the face of an invasion, through getting used to an unexpected and demanding neighbor, up to compassion and a desire to help the Cossacks at a moment of mortal danger for them. The first days of October 1944 are indeed presented by the priest in the most dramatic terms: “The fleeing partisans fired at parting, causing alarm, terror, and vendetta on the part of the Russians. The parish priest from Illejo, Don Oswaldo Lenna, tried to escape through the window of his house and ended up in the city hospital of Tolmezzo. They killed the vicar, a holy man, Don Giuseppe Treppo, when he tried to protect women from rapists possessed by lust. Don Giuseppe died as a martyr - from these soldiers sent to Carnia, as if it were a partisan region. Paid with his life. Two days later he was buried by Don Carlo Englaro and a Salesian priest from Tolmezzo. The advance went through the del But valley, sowing death, fires, violence, robbery. The stunned population began to realize that these horrors may have been caused by the unreasonableness of the partisans. Partisan resistance is a great idea, but in contrast to youthful recklessness, discipline, order, mobility, fodder are needed. A few thousand partisans scattered in the gorges, among the poor villages, will never be able to defend such a region as Karnia, 11 Conference collection: I cosacchi in Italia ["Cossacks in Italy"], 1944-'45 / a cura di A. Stroili. Tolmezzo: Edizioni Andrea Moro, 2008, pp. 155–214. The publisher of the diary is Evaldo Marzona. Italian testimonies about the Cossack camp 257 from 60 thousand Cossacks sent by Hitler - from their armed occupying troops, followed by their families and rear convoys. The arrival of the Cossacks took place in two stages. First, units arrived here to “cleanse” the territory, the bloody actions of which are described in the entry dated October 8. After the punitive operation, Stan himself arrived. Local residents were forced to give their houses to the Cossacks, which inevitably caused clashes and acts of violence on the part of the newcomers. However, there were also cases of “peaceful coexistence”: Dzhemona resident Juliana Gravina (sister of the famous actress Karla Gravina), for example, told the author of this article that her family had to give their kitchen to the Cossacks, while remaining to live in the house; She remembered the Cossacks for their delicacy and friendliness: leaving, they presented the family with several items, including a samovar. There is also such a modern eyewitness account of the arrival of the Cossacks: “They, together with their families, settled - quite decently - in the houses of peasants. The long convoy of wagons was reminiscent of the [American] pioneers. With them they dragged carts and animals - cows, horses. When they entered the houses, not without fear, they asked if there were any partisans... The partisans, of course, preferred to be in the forest”12. And don Graziano, a week later, the tone of the narration changes somewhat: “The Cossacks came as masters. We do not know their language, and their character does not set us up for communication. We have to come to terms with the fact that we can no longer move freely. The partisans went to the mountains, but, taken by surprise, they did not have good bivouacs there. Winter is at the gates, and so much is unclear. The idol of resistance has faded, and everyone is busy only to adapt to the new strict masters.<…> The aliens are very religious, and our [with Don Giuseppe] vestments inspire respect and honor in them. They greet us courteously and are ready to listen to our questions.” The peasant mind of the priest - he is a native of this region - leads him to develop relations with the occupiers. He tries to find among them the most communicative and who speak at least some foreign languages - mostly German phrases and words that the Cossacks mastered, moving from Russia through Central Europe to Italy. The main interlocutor becomes for him a certain middle-aged Cossack, who told about himself that in the past he worked as a mining engineer. However, the delicate balance was periodically disturbed by various incidents: “The Russians went up to Kyaichis in search of hay for their horses. Came from Tolmezzo. Local residents, having decided to discourage them, began to beat the bells with hammers. The Russians, fearing a partisan trap, hastily fled towards Intissance. Around 10 am. Rushing on horse-drawn carts, they scream terribly. Some kind of cart on the Kyaichis-Intissance road lies overturned. Kyaichis is very pleased with the success achieved. But it didn't last long. The Cossacks, who hastily arrived from Tolmezzo to Verzenis, announce a punitive campaign against the partisans the next day, on the 25th. In fact, early in the morning a formidable detachment of mounted Russians, armed to the teeth and angry, went up to Kyaichis and, having surrounded the village, gathered all the men, old and young, into the house of Alessandrina Vidussoni - for the sake of a vendetta. They searched all the houses. There is total fear in the village, no one can enter or leave. Men are waiting for death. In total, 80 people were driven into one room, without water and food. Cossacks cannot be persuaded: Kyaichis must pay in full for everyone. Even the priest's acquaintance, a former "mining engineer", periodically puts on a strictness and demands "paper" from his yesterday's interlocutor, which he, like others, calls in German: "papir". The Cossacks sent by the Wehrmacht to Italy were aware that this was a “temporary” homeland, and the Bolshevik system, which caused so many troubles to the Cossacks in Russia and spread its influence to Europe, remained an obstacle to returning to their true homeland. The main enemy in Carnia for the Cossacks was the partisan movement, which, of course, could not withstand a numerically superior and well-armed enemy. The Garibaldian partisans who went to the mountains, with a pro-communist ideology, committed individual acts of sabotage and constantly fired at the Cossacks (we emphasize that the partisans set as their goal to clear their native land of uninvited newcomers). The name of the partisan brigade in Friuli - “Stalin”, which was commanded by Ensign Daniil Avdeev, who escaped from captivity and died in battle with the Germans (November 14, 1944). Although the Stalin Brigade did not operate in Karnia itself, communist partisans were often called "Stalinists" in those parts. Prior to the arrival of the Cossacks, the priest Graziano Boria ideologically supported the Resistance and helped the partisans, and his colleague from Friuli, the priest don Aldo Moretti, even personally participated in the creation of the Ozoppo partisan brigade. As a rule, there were serious disagreements between the partisans of the demo-Catholic persuasion and the partisans-communists (especially closer to the Slovenian lands, in the Trieste region, where ethnic conflicts arose between Italians and Slovenes, mainly of the Tito orientation), but in Carnia they managed to create a united front against the German Nazis, Italian fascists, and from the autumn of 1944 - against the Cossacks. Don Graziano's connections with the partisans later aroused serious suspicions among the Cossack leadership. “They are waiting for me in Tolmezzo. I go down alone and find there, as an interpreter, a Russian boy who once faithfully helped the "Stalinists" partisans. I'm being interrogated in the presence of a boy. I was often seen in the Villa di Verzenis, also in the company of partisans. The boy does not give me away and transfers everything in my favor without compromising. I was asked about the partisan detachments, their number, location. They were especially interested in Leonardo Stefani, his activities and his assistance to the “Stalinists”. I escaped miraculously: five majors shook hands with me, and the boy smiled. Taking this opportunity, I ask them for a pass, "papyr", for all the villages of Vertsenys. They promised to give it the next day, November 1, in Kyaichis. He left the trouble, which could be the last in life, with a great sigh of relief. I thanked the Lord, and also, with a smile, the boy, in whose hands my life was then. The joint life goes on and even seems to be getting back to normal, as far as possible under such circumstances. Gradual convergence of two different worlds the Christian cult contributes – with the Cossack camp, Orthodox priests arrived, “priests”, to whom the padre provides all possible assistance in organizing services. One of the "priests" in the diary is given special attention, through communication with him - a rare opportunity! – Don Graziano (he sometimes writes about himself in the third person) tries to find out more about Orthodoxy: 260 M. Talalay “Tall, with a tousled beard, long hair, sometimes dresses like a soldier, sometimes in a black, faded robe to the heels, on his chest , on a cord or chain - a wooden cross, measuring 5 by 7 cm. Polite, speaks only Russian. Was seven years in the Siberian camps, then fled and joined the displaced Caucasians. We understand each other by signs and illustrated doctrine. Behaves courteously and supplely. He asks me for the church in Kyaulis for his services. I ask permission from the archbishop and receive it on the following conditions: 1) to take away the holy gifts from the church; 2) remove the holy stone14 from the altar on which the ceremony will take place; 3) not participate in their services without special permission. It seems to me important to meet them halfway and win their favor. You can't complain about their behavior in church. Their ceremonies are unusually long with wonderful choral singing. Many candles are consumed and kept lit. Don Graziano was at one mass that lasted three hours. The Italians can't stand it! The vestments are of an ancient oriental type. Red wine is used for Holy Mass. Bread - round shape with an extruded cross. About the doctrine, I could understand that the main differences are in the Pope and the Filioque. However, regarding the last dogmatic truth, even the priests themselves could not say something intelligible. Ten years of study regular school, then the bishop chooses them and consecrates them - without knowledge of any language other than Russian. They serve, remaining to live in families. Marry if they can - work. Some donations from believers.” Experiencing an understandable “professional” interest, the Italian priest describes in detail the church rites and holidays that he was forced to witness: Christmas and Easter, carols and fasts, breaking the fast and funerals. His colleagues on the altar twice went together on a difficult journey - to the town of Gemona for the sake of the wine they needed for their worship - white for Don Graziano and red for the “priest”. At the same time, the inevitable tensions continued. The Cossacks, although they received a ration from the Wehrmacht, demanded that the local population “strengthen” it, and for their horses - hay (this is probably the often heard word Don Graziano cites in Russian, however, distortedly: “sima”). Of particular interest are the pages of the diary assigned to Krasnov, who arrived in Vercenyis on February 12, 1945. Why exactly here? The priest himself explains it this way: 13 Illustrated Catechism. 14 Stone tile with relics, similar to an Orthodox antimension board. Italian testimonies about the Cossack camp 261 Camels, a strange form of clothing, an incomprehensible language ... No wonder the Italians called the Cossacks "Mongols" Source: Private collection 262 M. Talalai sent. Source: Private collection Italian testimonies about the Cossack camp 263 "<Краснов> I chose Verzenis, as it seems more reliable and far from bombing. Jemona, where he had stayed two days earlier, did not give such reliability. We are afraid that now the order will be stricter for us, but at the same time we hope that the Cossacks will become more disciplined. We hope! The appearance of an authoritative head of the Cossacks in the region (a visible dual power was established in Stan, since his ataman Domanov also remained at his post) provided an opportunity for Don Graziano to once again raise his voice against the insults and oppressions perpetrated by the Cossacks. After asking for an audience, he prepares a special memo. “After clarifications at the reception, I was accepted. A Russian translator, who knows Italian perfectly, helps. The conversation first revolves around the environment in which we all live, then I make an effort and take out a memo. He accepts it very kindly, promises to translate it into Russian and call on the Cossacks to greater discipline. Krasnov is a tall, broad-shouldered man, his head slightly to one side. Gives the impression of kindness and dignity at the same time. Gray as a harrier, clean-shaven, he keeps a watch on a chain in his waistcoat pocket, as our fathers did. After this first visit to Krasnov, we somewhat perked up. But in reality, he could do almost nothing to rein in his young subordinates. Although when the Cossacks found out about my meeting with General Krasnov, they began to show me more respect. The priest met with Krasnov twice. The second - and last time - on the eve of Catholic Easter, on Saturday, March 31, 1945, “Krasnov received me again. They talked about democracy, about the conversion of Russia according to the revelations at Fatima (May 13-October 13, 1917)15, about the poverty in which we all live, about the increased cases of theft by Russians. I suggested that he contact [deputy] Gortani16, but he did not want to. 15 In 1917, in the Portuguese town of Fatima, according to the story of Lucia, the only one of them who survived to adulthood, the Virgin Mary repeatedly appeared to three shepherds in the Portuguese town of Fatima; During one of these events, Lucia heard a prediction about the conversion of Russia (to Catholicism), and at that moment the girl decided that it was a woman with that name. 16 Michele Gortani later headed the National Liberation Committee (CNL) in Carnia, a cell of the all-Italian anti-fascist structure that led the country. 264 M. Talalay wanted to hear. He spoke of Pius XII with great respect. The Parisian cardinal awarded him a gold medal for the book "Hatred"18. Declares that Stalin will be condemned as a traitor to the Russian people, but is afraid that this is still very far away. I give a memo printed on a typewriter. She tells me again that she will be transferred. He admits that the Cossacks are evil, but evil not by nature, but because of their wandering life, which they have been leading for more than twenty years of dispersion. During the conversation, I was hospitably offered tea. I dared to ask for some sugar to take with me - for my mother. They give me a quarter of a kilo, with apologies that they cannot give more. Krasnov's wife herself looks after the table, a little woman of 80 years old, with absolutely gray hair, courteous and noble, with a sweet smile. Knows some Italian words, speaks French. The visit ends with mutual good wishes and Easter greetings.<…>I didn't see him again. If he had stayed with us, I could have saved him." The last sentence was obviously added later. Don Graziano created a diary in the following way: at first he kept brief daily notes, on the basis of which he then wrote extended texts. Apparently, on the eve of the flight of the Cossacks from Italy, full of premonition of a tragic end, the padre tried to organize their negotiations with the partisans for the sake of a truce and the surrender of weapons. This was prevented by the following circumstances: 1) the leaders of the Cossacks considered it below their dignity to enter into negotiations with the "bandit" detachments; 2) the Italian partisans mostly adhered to a pro-communist orientation, which was perceived extremely hostilely by the Cossacks; 3) the leadership of the Cossacks, primarily Krasnov, believed in the nobility of the British, who were on the side of the "white" Cossacks during the Civil War. Last days are presented in the diary as follows: “The [Cossack] Colonel “Barbon” wants to see me. I take it at noon. The colonel is armed with a gun. He asks me about the movement after the fall of the Mussolini regime and the expulsion of the Germans. This committee also suggested that the Cossacks work out the terms of surrender, but they refused to negotiate, preferring to withdraw to the British zone. 17 Pope Pius XII (1876–1958) was known for his anti-communist and pro-German beliefs, as well as his admirer of the Fatima Promises. 18 Roman P.N. Krasnova, published in Paris in 1930. 19 Lidia Fedorovna Krasnova, nee. Grüneisen (1870–1949); died near Munich, in the American zone of occupation. Italian testimonies about the Cossack camp 265 partisans, their numbers, about a turquoise car that passed three days ago. I answer with an exaggeration in order to convince him of the need to lay down his arms and desert. I assure you that negotiations for surrender have begun and that nothing will happen to them if they surrender peacefully. He listens attentively, but is not at all convinced of surrender. In parting, he gives me his hand, I answer with a blessing gesture. The conversation went on for half an hour.<…>Around 17.30 we go closer to see the care. We meet "Barbon", who coldly greets us. We wish good luck to everyone passing by. And the pop is gone. His sister is sitting on the cart, he is standing next to him. We warmly say goodbye to him, but he is silent. We are glad that it is raining, which means there will be no bombing. The column is moving, and these unfortunates have gone to meet their death! Don Giuseppe and I exchange disturbing thoughts. If they had listened to us, almost everyone would have saved their lives. On the evening of May 2, only 20 Russians remained in Kyaichis, all of them are theater actors and musicians, they were gathered by an Albanian who knows Italian. She asks us whether to stay or not. We answer that it is better to stay - under our responsibility. Later, we defended these poor Russians from the Garibaldian partisans who decided to take possession of their chests. They also defended them in writing against the British. They were collected first in Treviso, then in Rome. They ended up in Brazil: they often wrote thanks for the good they had done. The final pages of the diary describe the exodus of the Cossacks from Italy and their subsequent extradition in Lienz. The priest retells these events from other people's lips, and therefore they are overgrown with legendary details: “More than 50 thousand Cossacks from Karnia had to leave for Austria, where they hoped to find respite and protection. They were pursued by partisans who left their burrows and wandered, as if liberators, in search of easy military adventures, who wanted to kill, take revenge, and rob. Fearing the British or American victors, whom they did not know, fearing revenge from the civilian population, the Cossacks wanted to quickly find themselves in the Val de Gail, beyond the Passo Monte Croce. The long-awaited moment of liberation for the partisans and the population has come. Some commanders committed suicide, many tore off their insignia to avoid retaliation. The Cossacks, who arrived from Trieste, where they distinguished themselves by cruelty and the ability to fight back, covered the withdrawal. More than 70,000 Russians nevertheless left for the Val de Gail, carrying weapons with them until the last moment, without surrendering them to either the partisans or the Austrians. There, as we learned from the survivors, the whole sea of people - men, women, old people, children, with their carts, horses, belongings, were bombarded by Americans and machine-gunned by partisans who had taken refuge in the mountains. Many died.<…> How many Russians who fell into the hands of the Stalinist army were executed or thrown into the waters of the Danube20!” . The war period of the priest's diary ends with an entry dated May 6, 1945: “May 6, in the afternoon, the British appeared on high-speed tanks. They marched on Tolmezzo, where allies from Amaro, Villasantina, Verzenis flocked. On May 8, the last Russians left in Kyachis set off. In Tolmezzo they were gathered by the allies and sent to Udine-Treviso. If everyone had listened to our advice, including the general, they could have been saved! Because everyone, except for the most brutal elements, had nothing to fear! However, military events ended the life of the poor on the very threshold of their salvation. The diary of Don Graziano Boria remains an unsurpassed Italian source, to which is added a literature of various kinds that grows every year. The first serious studies in Italy, dedicated to the stay of the Cossack camp, began to appear a few years after the end of the war. The earliest publications covered events from the point of view of members of the Resistance. These include Antonio Toppan's Facts and Crimes of the German Occupation in Carnia (Fatti e misfatti dell'occupazione tedesca in Carnia, 1948), then Pietro Menis' Tempo di cosac - chi, 1949), as well as an extensive journal article by Antonio Faleschini (Faleschini) "Cossack invasion in Friuli" (Invasione cosacca in Friuli // Sot la nape, maggio-giugno 1951, pp. 1-40). In 1957, Pierre-Arrigo Carnier turned to the history of the Cossacks and published a book, in a journalistic vein, “Eighteen thousand Cossacks in Carnia” (Diciottomila cosacchi in Carnia). In various interviews, Carnier reported on the possible reason for his research passion - the blessing of Krasnov himself, who saw an 8-year-old handsome Italian boy and stroked his head. Leaving aside the legends, it should be admitted that the author was seriously carried away by 20 That's right: Drava. Italian testimonies about the Cossack camp 267 topic, carefully reconstructed the events and offered his own interpretation, rehabilitating the Cossacks. After numerous publications in periodicals, primarily in the newspaper L'Arena di Verona, which published about twenty of his articles, where Carnier cited new evidence and argued with his opponents, he published in 1965 a solid work "The Cossack Army in Italy" ( L'armata cosacca in Italia)21 and then in 1982 , – Lo sterminio mancato (“Failed Extermination”). Carnier's book "The Cossack Army in Italy" is still in Italy the richest source of information about the Cossack camp. Less known, but also well documented (and, in our opinion, more balanced) is Marina Di Ronco's study "The Cossack-Caucasian Occupation of Carnia and Upper Friuli" (L'occupazione cosacco-caucasica della Carnia e dell "Alto Friuli), which first appeared in form thesis and then, in 1988, as a monograph. This is a scrupulous reconstruction of events, without the lyrical and emotional digressions inherent in Carnière's text. Marina Di Ronco continued her search further, focusing on identifying the iconography of the Cossack camp, which she presented at a number of conferences, but largely left unpublished. Along with these two major works in Italy in the 1960s-1980s, a whole series of memoirs of partisans, direct participants in the battles with the Cossacks and Caucasians, appeared, representing them in a negative way. Among them - the following memoirs: Francesco Vuga (Vuga) "The Free Zone of Carnia and the Cossack Occupation" (La zona libera di Carnia e l'occupazione cosacca, 1966); Natalino Candotti and Gianino Angeli (Carnia libera, 1971); Chino Bokazzi (Missione Col di Luna, 1977); Giuliano De Crignis Villa Santino Invilino. Memories of the year of the war "(Villa Santina-Invillino. Memorie di un anno di guerra, 1987). In our article, we leave aside the history of the Caucasians, who, along with other eastern legionnaires, were mistakenly called “Mongols” or “Russian Mongols” by the Italians. They also participated in anti-partisan actions and cleansing operations in northern Italy. 21 In 1993, the Venetian publishing house Mursia published a second, revised edition of this book. 268 M. Talalay It was at the hands of the "Russian Mongols" that Fedor Poletaev, Hero of Soviet Union, which Italian veteran eyewitnesses wrote about immediately after the war, but which Soviet historiography was silent about22. In addition, several publications were organized by the Friulan Institute for the History of the Liberation Movement (Istituto Friulano per la Storia del Movimento di Liberazione), since it was the Friuli region that became the scene of the Cossack epic. The Institute was "partisan" in nature, and its meticulously documented texts were interpreted accordingly. Among them is the article by Enzo Colotti (Colotti) and Gialiano Fogar (Fogar) "Chronicles of Carnia under Nazi occupation" (Cronache della Carnia sotto l'occupazione nazista // Il movemento di liberazione in Italia, Aprile-giugno 1968, p. 60 –102); the books of Silvia Bon Gherardi and Adriana Petronio, La resistenza nel Friuli e nella Venezia Giulia (1979); Nicoletta Paterno (Paternò) “People from the Fort and the Cossacks” (La gente del forte e i cosacchi, 1994); P. Stefanuti “Novocherkassk and environs. Cossack occupation of Valle del Lago” (Novocerkassk e dintorni. L’occupazione cosacca della Valle del Lago, 1995). Close to the genre of historical essays is the work of the Russian emigrant prof. Alexander Ivanov (Ivanov), who collected in the 1980s. on the instructions of the University of Uda, information about the Cossacks and then published the book “Lost Cossacks: From Friuli to the USSR” (Сosacchi perduti: Dal Friuli all’URSS)23. Professor Ivanov, no doubt, was driven by sympathy for his compatriots who ended up on Italian soil under sad circumstances. He was the first of the local authors who was able to fully show historical context in the USSR (decossackization, etc.), which largely clarified the reasons for the collaboration of the Cossacks in 1941–1942. Research sometimes (but rarely) went beyond the territorial boundaries of the Friuli region: the already mentioned Enzo Colotti, who previously wrote only about Carnia, expanded the geography in the book “Adriatic 22 Lazagna (Carlo) G. Ponte rotta. Genova, 1946. P. 195. For more details about the “Mongols”, see our book “Russian Participants in the Italian War of 1943–1945...”. pp. 175–194. 23 The year of publication is not indicated in the imprint, but A. Ivanov's book was published, possibly in 1989, by the Aviani publishing house. Italian testimonies about the Cossack camp 269 rezhier24 and the New European order "(Il Litorale Adriatico nel Nuovo Ordine Europeo, 1974)". In the mid 1990s. An important attempt was made to synthesize various - most often diametrically opposed - points of view: the young historian Gregorio Venir (Venir) defended a diploma on the Cossack camp at the University of Bologna, and then published it in the form of a monograph: “Cossacks in Carnia (I cosacchi in Carnia, 1995). Ten years later, in 2004, Antonio Dessy, a graduate of the University of Padua, chose a similar topic for his thesis – not yet published – “Krasnov’s Cossacks in Carnia, August 1944–May 1945, and their forced extradition Soviet side"(I cosacchi di Krasnov in Carnia, agosto 1944 - maggio 1945 e la loro forzata consegna ai Sovietici). Venir, making extensive use of Carnier's factual information, tried to remove his politicized assessment of the Resistance, where partisan movement a predominantly revolutionary, Marxist-Stalinist spirit was attributed, and the main goal was a social upheaval in Italy. Dessi's approach is interesting because, in fact, he was the first to inscribe the Cossack camp in the socio-economic, agricultural context of the region. At the beginning of the XXI century. a new series of publications is associated with the name of the Milanese Russianist Patricia Deotto (Deotto), originally from Friuli. Her monograph Stanitsa Terskaya (Stanitsa Terskaja) was published in 2005 with the subtitle The Cossack Illusion of One Region. Deotto, known as a fine connoisseur of Russian literature and the author of many articles about her favorite character, the art critic Pavel Muratov, did not accidentally turn to the Cossack theme: her grandfather, a connoisseur of foreign languages, like Patricia herself, was from Vercenyis and in In the era of Krasnov, he served as an interpreter for the city authorities, communicating with the Cossacks (Patricia's father went into the partisans). Patricia collected family traditions, adding to them the oral stories of local residents and a serious study of literature - books and periodicals. After publishing her own book, she then participated in a series of conferences held in Vercenyis25. 24 This refers to the new administrative-territorial region of the Third Reich - Adriatisches Küstenland. 25 See the collection of materials from these conferences: I cosacchi in Italia [Cossacks in Italy]… // Decree. op. R. 71–82. 270 M. Talalay Along with her in last years a lot was published by Fabio Verardo (Verardo), who was carried away by the Cossack theme, primarily by the bright figure of Peter Krasnov. In 2010, he published the book “Krasnov’s Cossacks in Carnia” (I cosacchi di Krasnov in Carnia), and in 2012 Italian literature waited for a separate monograph about the chieftain – “Ataman Krasnov: The history of the Cossack from the Don to Friuli” (Krasnov l'atamano. Storia di un cosacco dal Don al Friuli)26. The reflection of the Cossack theme in Italian fiction is especially interesting. The very first artistic description of the Cossack epic in Friuli belongs to the writer Bruna Sibille Sizia. Her story “Inaccessible Land: The History of the Cossack Army in Friuli” (La terra impossibile. Storia dell'armata cosacca in Friuli) was published in Udine in 1956: in it, all the sympathies of the author are on the side of the local population and partisans (however, the writer also recognizes the tragic fate of the Cossacks). The book became a bestseller in Friuli and was reprinted four times - in 1956, 1958, 1991 and 1992.27 Its undoubted merit is the memory of the author, a native of the Friulan village of Tarcento, who herself saw bloody events described by her: the departure of local residents to partisans, raids and executions. The diary she kept in 1943-1945 became a fundamental help. Leonard Zanier's story "Carnia, Kozakenland, Kazackaja zemlja", written in the Friulan dialect (published in Udine in 1994-1995 by Mittelcultrura), is unique. Its author was 9 years old when he saw Cossacks and Caucasians in his native land: fear of aliens was mixed with childish delight in front of an exotic view and bravado of horsemen. Finely written short story by Claudio Calandra (Сalandra) “Goodbye. Sunflowers of Boria (Do svidania. I girasoli di Boria, 1994). Its heroes are two boys, the Italian Claudio (the author himself) and the Cossack girl Borya, who became friends against the dramatic backdrop of the Cossack occupation. Kaza-26 The result, however, turned out to be unsatisfactory: in the book, which has more than 650 pages, only about fifty are devoted to the Italian period of the ataman's biography, not without inaccuracies. The main merit of the author is the first presentation in Italy of the military, during the First World War and the Civil War, and the emigrant periods of Krasnov's life. 27 The author subsequently returned to the Cossack theme; see: Sibille-Sizia B. Un pugno di vento [A handful of wind]. Udine, 1992. Italian testimonies about the Cossack camp 271 at the end of the story, the chonk dies, and a sunflower grows on his grave - according to the Cossack legend, as the writer reports, sunflowers grow on the graves of the righteous. In the mid 1980s. A sad episode during the Second World War unexpectedly attracted the attention of two major masters of Italian culture. In 1984, the Rivista Milanese di Economia magazine provided its pages to the eminent Germanist from Trieste, Professor Claudio Magris, and his story “Reflections on a Checker” (Illazioni su una sciabola). Subsequently, the story was published (and repeatedly) as a separate book and translated into dozens of languages. A little later, namely at the beginning of 1985, the Milanese publishing house Mondadori released Carlo Sgorlona's novel The Army of Lost Rivers (L'armata dei fiumi perduti) to the Italian book market, which won the prestigious Strega Literary Prize in the same year. Both of these publications are high examples of Italian literature, having a completely different, humanistic, vision of the tragedy of the Cossacks - in contrast to most of the works mentioned above, which are not distinguished by high artistry and with a tendentious, "engaged" approach. A small story or, more precisely, a long story of Magris takes the form of a monologue. The hero-narrator, an elderly priest Don Guido, who lives in a nursing home for clerics in Trieste, writes his memoirs about the stay of the Cossacks in Carnia at the request of the bishop, who is compiling the diocesan archive, and shares his thoughts with his friend, the priest Don Mario. The text is organized as a large message, opening with the words "Dearest Don Mario". According to the author, Don Guido in the autumn of 1944 carried out a delicate assignment from his hierarchs, going to the village of the Cossacks to convince them to be merciful towards the unfortunate civilian population, and now he recalled the old days .... Most likely, the writer Magris had access to the diary Don Graziano Boria, widely cited above, since many of the details are exactly the same. In the town of Villa di Verceñis, Don Guido meets Ataman Krasnov (let us recall that the only local priest who met with Krasnov was Don Graziano). The priest recalls the circumstances of the “tragic and grotesque occupation of Carnia by the Cossacks, allies of the Germans, who were forced by these Germans to do worthless deeds, tempting them with impossible promises and making them their accomplices and victims, persecutors of other victims.” The hero of the book is trying to unravel the mystery of Krasnov's death, because the parabola of the ataman's life "could decipher - from the opposite - the parabola of life" of Don Guido himself. He was especially interested in the legend that arose in Friuli that the famous ataman fell victim to a partisan attack on May 2, 1945, which could not have happened: on May 27, 1945, Krasnov surrendered his saber to British officers, and on January 17, 1947 he was executed in Russia. In fact, the deceased was Major General Fyodor Dyakonov, later reburied at the German military cemetery in Kostermano. Don Guido describes the last months of Krasnov's stay in Italy (at the same time, the author shows knowledge of the books written by Krasnov in Paris in the 1920s–1930s). The old chieftain in the book of Magris almost acquires the features of the hero of an ancient Greek tragedy: a man of high culture and honor, he is aware of his fate, but does not try to evade it and fearlessly goes towards death. The story of Magris, warmly received by both the public and critics, was staged on the stage of the Friulian town of Cividale during the Mittelfest festival; More than once there were projects to film it, but so far nothing has come to an end. In a strange way, with a number of books translated into Russian by Magris, this “Russian” story of his has not yet found its translator. The Cossack “odyssey” acquired a real epic scope from the novelist Carlo Sgorlon. His “army of lost rivers” is the army of the distant Don, Kuban, Terek, comparable to “a herd that has lost its pastures, its rivers and has gone after the mirage of other pastures, other rivers.” The writer presents the Cossacks through the eyes of the Friulan peasants, who saw from their windows “the latest novelty of the war, the strangest of all before.” According to Sgorlon, the Cossacks, seized with melancholy and nostalgia, “felt abandoned, alone in a foreign country - just like the Alpine riflemen in Russia - among the population that hated them. At the same time, after long wanderings around Russia and Europe, they tried to convince themselves that they had finally arrived at a place where they could settle down for a longer period. The action of the novel develops around Martha, a servant of a wealthy Jewish lady sent to a concentration camp. Marta is left alone in a large villa, where a group of Cossacks moves in: the elderly White Guard general Gavrila, the Cossack Urvan and the old Cossack woman Dunayka with her son Girey and grandson Luka. Giray is seized by an unrequited passion for the peasant girl Alda, who then dies at his hands. From that moment on, the peasants see only hated invaders in the Cossacks. The love story between Urvan and the main character also ends sadly: the Cossack leaves for Austria, and the partisans shave Marta’s head for “collaborationism”. The novel is built on the conflict between the images of the "Promised Land" and the "Land of the Lost". Karnia, the ephemeral Kozakenland, Cossack land, is just a short step on the way to an unknown goal. The Cossacks, who have lost their own roots, express their warlike and unbridled temper during skirmishes with partisans. Ataman Krasnov, who has arranged housing in the "village" in the traditional Cossack style, is also looking for and does not find his homeland. As a result, the Cossacks die - but, according to Sgorlon, not because they betrayed the Russian (Soviet) state, but because they betrayed their native villages, leaving for a foreign land. In general, in Italy, both historical literature and fiction reflected an ambivalent attitude towards the Cossack invasion: yes, they came to the Apennines along with the aggressor and contributed to it, but they themselves were victims of political repression in their homeland and false promises from the new German hosts. The compassionate Italians could not help but be touched by the fact that a whole people (albeit armed) moved here - with children and the elderly, peasant belongings, livestock, with rich religious, military, musical and other traditions. Only this can explain the appearance of a memorial plaque on the house in Vercenis, where General Krasnov lived. There are no other similar plaques in Italy and cannot be.